, , , , , , , , , , ,


In memory of the most excellent «Morgenthau’s boys»

War criminals, mass murderers, smugglers, scoundrels, thiefs, looters, arms dealers, spies, thugs, pimps and sluts constitute the following list. Many of them placed titles before their names: General, Doctor, Count, Prince… They were all just scum.

ABELBECK, Gert. Obersturmbannführer Hitlerjunge. Decorated by FRANCO as Caballero de la Orden Imperial del Yugo y las Flechas con Encomienda. (BOE, 26 Octubre, 1941).

ACHOEN, Walter. Dr. Military auditor. Decorated by FRANCO with the Medalla de la Orden Imperial del Yugo y las Flechas. (BOE, 30 Septiembre, 1941). OKW agent.

ACHTERMANN, Otto. German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

ACKERMANN, Franz. Hauptamtsleiter. Decorated by FRANCO with the Medalla de la Orden Imperial del Yugo y las Flechas. (BOE, 30 Septiembre, 1941).

ACKERMANN, Johann / John. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. Agent classified III-B in OSS records. Language teacher. Resident of La Coruña since 1914. Address: Plaza de Vigo 8, 3o. German consulate. Worked in two German shipping offices. Attache at German consulate, La Coruña.

ACKERSCHOTT, Herbert / Hubert. Listed as repatriated from Bilbao August 21, 1946 to Bremerhaven on SS Marine Marlin. Previously in Miranda concentration camp. DOB. Schurholz, 17 January, 1918. Gestapo agent.

ADAM, Karl. Agent classified IV-B in OSS records. Former Kreisleiter of Prague in Reichsgau Sudetenland. In 1945 he posed as German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

ADAMCZYK, Heinrich. Arrived Germany from Spain June 14 1946. German. DOB. 12/9/1912 in Rulnik. Oberschl.

ADANECK, Elizabeth. German agent classified B. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain.Address: Villa Carasa, calle Cuartel del Este, Miranda del Ebro.

ADRIAN, (fnu). Agent working for I-M, KO Spanien, Ceuta (named in STUBBS and BUGGE’s report on I-M Spain).

ADRIAN, Hermann. From OSS Secret Intelligence Special Funds Record 2801-2850: Montana S.A. Assistant bookkeeper. Apartado 1016, Madrid. Born Paderborn, 23 May 1913. Passport No. 194R/460/38 issued Bln. Lankwitz 22.7.1938. Member of NSDAP and DAF.

AGAMEMNON. From Obst/Lt Friedrich DERNBACH’s CI Intermediate Interrogation Report (CI-IIR) No 57, dated 11 December, 1946: «The plane that took TRESOR and NEY to Lyon also took AGAMEMNON to Montpellier. He was of Greek origin, but a Spanish and French national, having papers from both governments. Southern France was familiar to him as he had been active in smugling across the Spanish frontier. He had A wife living in Spain, possibly in Madrid.

       Subject was given W/T and code training and then sent off equipped with a British transmitter, secret ink matches, spade, Colt pistol, French food stamps. French and Spanish money, 0 US, and a poison pill. It was arrangad that he would receive 25,000 Pesetas additional from his wife through KO Spain.

      He was instructed to gather information about troop movements from Marseille to the North, the operation of Allied Intelligence in Southern France, the political situation in that area, and the activities of the White Maquis. He was also charged with the establishment of three passages for alerts with the aid of liquor smugglers between France and Spain, France and Switzerland, and France and Italy.

      The last that was known of AGAMEMNON was his jump from the plane. He made this at 1000 feet and the parachute opened.»

AHLENZ, Arthur. Agent in Spanish Morocco and Tangier, classified II-B. Sidi Bouknadel. In charge of observatory .

AHLERS, Albrecht. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. Son of Jacob AHLERS. German agent classified B

AHLERS, Hermann. Commander. Censure section. Decorated by FRANCO with the Medalla de la Orden Imperial del Yugo y las Flechas. (BOE, 30 Septiembre, 1941).

AHLERS, Jacob. German agent classified A. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. c/o Enrique WOLFRAM, Santa Cruz de Tenerife. German consul and merchant. Agent I-M, KO Spanien, Canarias (named in STUBBS and BUGGE’s report on I-M Spain).

AHLERS, Ulrich. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. Son of Jacob AHLERS. German agent classified B

AIGNER, Albert. German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

ALARCÓN, José, alias SARGENTO. From STUBBS and BUGGE’s report on I-M Spain: «Attempted to organize a net of agents in Ceuta, but was thought to be in collusion with the British and was dropped».

ALBER, Richard Karl. Arrived Germany from Spain June 14 1946. German. DOB. 22/5/1911 in Magstadt bei Boeblingen. Address in Germany, 1946: Zeughausstrasse 3, Boeblingen (US zone).

ALBRECHT, Carl. Agent classified in OSS records. Engineer. Born about 1905.

ALBRECHT, Dr. Karl Soenke / Soehnke. Lt. Col. Agent classified II-A, I-B and IV-B in OSS records. General Staff Officer. Senior official of the German Chamber of Commerce for Spain. Former Nazi Press attache. B . Born St. Peter (Nordsee) 23 May, 1902. Passport No 37/ 38 issued Bilbao 2.7.1938. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain.

      Director of A.E.G. Iberia. Address: Espronceda 34, Madrid and Bravo Murillo 83, Madrid and Ercilla 3, 2o izda., Bilbao. Still in Spain in September 1946. president and director of the Spanish subsidiary of the AEG.

      Information from LINDENBERG: Was believed to have had Pesetas 20,000.000 on hand which were intended for German schools. The ownership of these Pesetas had probably been cloaked. President of Camara de Comercio Alemana. From OSS Secret Intelligence Special Funds Record 2801-2850: Member of DAF, NSV, NSFK and Deutscher Verein, Bilbao.

ALBRECHT- MULLER, Gustav Wilhelm Emil / MULLER, Gustav Albrecht. German doekworker in Barcelona. Subject’s expulsion requested by American Embassy on 26 May 1945. Repatriated on Highland Monarch 7 March, 1946. Brought to repatriation center under police escort.

      German agent, report from MA dated 6.1.44 gives subjec’s age as 64. DOB confirmed: Merane, 16 December 1891; seaman on a German boat in Spain upon outbreak World War One, und remained in Spain since then. Reported to have worked for the German IS under von ROHRSCHELDT (misspelling of ROHRSCHEIDT) and Hans KELLNER. B-304 on Agents’ List as MULLER, Gustav Albrecht; also on III Priority List.

ALBREICHT CARGANICA, Hans. Agent classified IV-B in OSS records. German member of the Superior Council of the German Government from Berlin.

ALCALÁ, José. Spanish agent for Abwehr. (General Records Pertaining to External Assets Investigations, compiled 1948 – 1950, documenting the period 1939 – 1950. Series: Repatriates : Spain – General (June 1946- September 1947) ).

      From OSS record, dated 5 June 1946: «Subject: Continued collaboration of Barcelona Police (…) , who in the past collaborated with AB-Landers in this city, are now assisting them in avoiding Allied control: Jose ALCALA: Assigned to Brigada Social. His former duties were principally the interrogation of persons suspected of Allied sympathies, and the investigation of United States citizens residing in Barcelona.»

ALDINGER, Hermann. Decorated by FRANCO with the Medalla de la Orden Imperial del Yugo y las Flechas. (BOE, 30 Septiembre, 1941). DOB. 22. July 1907 in Nürnberg. Died 2 November 1993 in München. He fought as a lieutenant and commander of the first heavy anti-aircraft battery of the Condor Legion in the Spanish Civil War on the side of FRANCO’s fascist troops. Most recently, he was a colonel and commander of Flak Regiment.

      After the Second World War, Hermann ALDINGER studied from 1947 to 1950 at the State School of Munich and became construction engineer. From 1950 to 1952 ALDINGER worked as Construction Manager at Finanzbauamt Munich and then was employed as a clerk in the office Blank (Federal Armed Forces). From 1955 to 1957 ALDINGER was Group Leader at Telefunken (Radio Frequency Engineer). ALDINGER was incorporated into the German Army in 1957 and was there from 1 October 1961 to 30 September 1963 as a major general commander of the 1st Air Division. The adoption of the retirement was effected by General DE MAIZIERE 29 July 1966, two days before ALDINGER was awarded the Grand Cross of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany.

ALEKSANDER, Nornick. Lieutnant. Agent classified I-B in OSS records. Madrid.

ALENDORF, Wilhelm (alias). See GESSMANN, Wilhelm.

ALEX, Reinhardt / Rheinhard. Listed as repatriated from Bilbao August 21, 1946 to Bremerhaven on SS Marine Marlin. Previously in Miranda concentration camp. DOB. Schnedzenmoor, 2 November, 1925.

ALEXANDER, Jean Charles (alias). See GESSMANN, Wilhelm.

ALISCH, Ernst, alias Ernesto SEILER. SS H/Stuf. German. Chief of Sipo and SD in France, Agent classified I-B in OSS records.Born 1912, Hamburg, Germany.

      From Roberts Commission, Subject file: Menten: «According to British reports from Madrid, subject engages in illicit traffic in pictures, jewels and motor cars. He is believed to be an agent of the Sipo and SD and is a protege of Ernst ALISCH, alias Ernesto SEILER, important SD official formerly in Paris.

      Subject is furthermore reported to have once been a member of the Spirito-Carbone gang in Marseilles, with which his constant companion, the Belgian Adrian OTLET (q.v) and possibly KONINECKX (See MIEDL dossier) may also have been connected. This gang of gunmen, kidnappers and blackmailers included Francois SPIRITO, Jean CARBONE, Francois CARBONE, and Venture CARBONE. Among other subversive activities they denounced de Gaullists to the Germans and led anti-British and anti-Semitic demontrations».

ALISCHER, Walter. In 1945 he posed as German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

ALISON, Ernst. German agent classified A. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. Whereabouts in Spain unknown.

ALLER, Hilde. Agent classified III-A in OSS records. Teacher in Colegio Aleman, Barcelona. Active member of B.D.M.

ALLERT, Wilhelm. In 1945 he posed as German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

ALLGAYER, Karl. Nazi Party liaison. Member NSDAP working for Banco Aleman Trasatlantico in Sevilla.

ALLGEIER OCHS, Richard. In US list of hardened nazis for repatriation. Address: Rafael Calvo 11, Madrid. Born October 11, 1905 in Pforzheim. Spanish wife and four children in 1946. Employee of Siemens. Active nazi.

ALTEN, Conrad Friedrich Meyer Alten. See MEYER, Conrad F.

ALTENBURG, Willy. From OSS Secret Intelligence Special Funds Record 2801-2850:

      Manager of sugar refinery. Venta de Baños, c/o Azucarera de Castilla (Palencia), 16.5.40. Born Charlottenburg, 26 April 1890. Passport No. 281 issued Santander 22.6.35. Member of DAF and Deutscher Schulverein, Santander.

ALTENKEMPER / ALTENKAEMPER, Gabriel alias Alberto CANO. German agent classified B. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. In Algeciras November 1943. Repatriated from Spain by air (dates from January 29 to February 25, 1946). Po. No. 0767.

      From: U.S. Army. European Command.Intelligence Division, Wartime activities of the German diplomatic and military services during World War II, November 18, 1949: «Radio Operator. Born on 18 September 1911 at Koelln-Rhein. Subject was member of the Abwehr. From 1941-1945, subject was a radio operator with the OKW Abwehr I/i in Berlin and with the German Embassy in Madrid. Subject released to Muenster/Westfalen, Eckenerstr. 9 or Pforzheim, Bernhardstr.» I-M, KO Spanien, Ceuta and Cadiz (named in STUBBS and BUGGE’s report on I-M Spain).

ALTRICHTER, Anton. In 1945 he posed as German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

ÁLVAREZ, Manuel. Spanish agent working for I-M, KO Spanien, Algeciras (named in STUBBS and BUGGE’s report on I-M Spain).

ALWENS, Ludwig. Decorated by FRANCO with the Medalla de la Orden Imperial del Yugo y las Flechas. (BOE, 30 Septiembre, 1941). Angriff.

AMABLE (fnu). From OSS record, dated 5 June 1946: «Subject: Continued collaboration of Barcelona Police (…) , who in the past collaborated with AB-Landers in this city, are now assisting them in avoiding Allied control: «Police agent formerly attached to the Servicio de Estadistica. His brother is married to a German.»

AMAHN, Victor. German agent classified C. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. Brother of Juan AMAHN. Manager of Amahn, Juan’s firm.

AMAHN, Juan . German agent classified C. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. Address: Borrell 128, Barcelona and Miro Cruz 4, San Sebastian. Commercial agent for chemical and electrical materials.

AMBERG, Hans. German agent. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. Address in 1943: Castellana 16, top flat, Madrid.

AMED, Arthur. Decorated by FRANCO with the Medalla de la Orden Imperial del Yugo y las Flechas. (BOE, 30 Septiembre, 1941).

AMENDE, Hermann. Agent of Referat I KO Spanien. Born 4 August 1903 in Bendorf. German. Occupation declared: export merchant. Protestant. During 1940 and 1941 AMENDE worked as a recruiting agent for Referat I and II of KO Spanien. He is acquainted with persons in various Spanish circles who were passively or actively pro-German during war.

      From CI Final Interrogation Report /78, 22 January 1946:

«Administrative data

      Source of prisoner, including arresting agency: Arrested 26 may 45 in Eger by CIC.

      Accepted on recommendation or request of: (CIB) USFET

      Date of arrival: 27 sep 45

      Resume of any reports and/of documents sent in with prisoner: none

      Results of name check against personality card index: Cf CPI card 1042

      Briefs upon which prisoner was interrogated: verbal briefs by chief gib, 0-2 div, USFET

      Names and unit of interrogators: T/Sgt Peter M. Stern, USFET MIS center.

      Prisoner’s attitude and reactions: prisoner has been cooperative: prior to arrival at USFET MIS center he helped US CIC detachments identify former members of the Abwehr. He has offered to help uncover remaining Abwehr agents in Spain.

      Evaluation of prisoner’s reliability: reliable

      Date, place and authority for disposition of prisoner: departed 14 Dec 45 for Camp 95, Ziegenheim, by auth of G-2 (CIB) USFET.

Interrogation results


      AMENDE, previously interrogated at this Center concerning the activities of KO Spanien, contributed little new information because he left Spain in 1941. His connections with members of the Spanish Intelli­gence Service are described in Annex 1.

Life history

      AMENDE was born 4 Aug 03 in Bendorf (nr. Koblenz). After studying Economics at the University of Leipzig, he worked for various coal firms and finally obtained a managerial position.

      He lost his job in 1932 and, unable to find work, joined the RAD in 1933. He was discharged from the RAD in 1935 with the rank of Unterfeld Meister. He entered the German Army January 1936 and was discharged in May of the same year with the rank of Gefreiter.

      Unable to obtain suitable employment in Germany, AMENDE went to Spain in 1937. There he joined the Italian Brigade, a unit of the insurgent army. With the help of the German consul, he managed to get out of the Brigade, which, according to him, he had entered against his will. He found work with a construction firm at San Sebastian and later with a paper manufacturing concern in Tolosa in 1938. In the Spring of 1939 he accompanied a number of Spanish business men to the exposition in Leipzig.

      In October 1939, AMENDE began working for the German Vice-Consul in Barcelona. He was sent to Madrid on various errands, and there became acquainted with Emilio LANG, a member of KO Spanien. LANG asked him to get in touch with members of the Falange to see whether some of them could be recruited to work as German agents.

      In the fall of 1940 he began to work full-time for the Abwehr in Madrid and served there until September 1941, when he was discharged for refusing to undertake a mission to Mexico.

      AMENDE returned to Germany and was appointed Abteilungs Leiter of a regional headquarters of the Zentral Handels Gesellschaft Ost, an organization of shady reputation, which sold chemical fertilizers and other necessities to farmers and bought their products.

When Russian troops began advancing, AMENDE retreated with his organization and was again on the lookout for a new position. He met Flieger Stabs Ingenieur KURTH, a member of Ast Muenster, who thought that AMENDE might help him to make contacts in Spain. It should be noted that after 1943 the different Asts were anxious to make contacts on their own without the knowledge of higher headquarters. These contacts were often for the purpose of acquiring luxury good in an illegal manner.

      In connection with KURTH’s proposal, AMENDE made several brief trips to Spain, but upon his return to Germany in March 1944 he was informed that his services were no longer required. He did not return to Spain.

5. Conclusions: None

6. Comments and recommendations

      AMENDE, being a former member of the Abwehr, falls into the automatic arrest category. He is considered a security threat.»

(Signed George WENZEL)

Annex I


KO Spanien and the Spanish Intelligence Service

      As previously stated in Third US Army CIR No 38, dtd 9 Sep 45, cooperation between the GIS in Spain and Spanish Intelligence existed throughout the war. However, when in 1943 and in 1944 the balance began tipping toward the Allies, this cooperation grew less as the German situation grew worse. Many Spaniards who had been in German service or in liaison with KO Spanien in 1941 became unavailable in 1943 and began to support the Allied cause in 1944.

      The following have knowledge of the activities of KO Spanien and of the Spanish Intelligence Service. They are considered by AMENDE to be key personalities in the chain of numerous groups and organizations linked with either KO Spanien or the Spanish Intelligence Service.

      1. Emilio LANG. LANG was born in Germany but became a Spanish subject a good many years ago (date unknown). He had excellent connec­tions with the Direction General de Seguridad as well as with the Servicio (de) Informaciones Militares. In 1940 he and his father-in-law were employed by KO Spanien to carry out a mission in defeated France.

      LANG became KUEHLENTAL’s assistant and took care of most of the work, including liaison between Referat I and III and the Spanish Intelligence Service. He interviewed and hired agents, briefed and dispatched them on missions, and provided them with the necessary documents and finances for their particular missions. All the agents were required to report their activities to him. LANG was in constant contact with other agencies of Referat I and was often consultad by Referat III-F, where a certain HAUBERT was in charge of agents.

      Toward the end of 1941 LANG moved to Bilbao to open an Aust of Referat KUEHLENTAL where he could supervise agents more closely. It seems that from this time on he did not enjoy KUEHLENTAL’s confidence. LANG was active during 1944 and it is assumed by AMENDE that he remained in Spain.

      AMENDE believes that LANG possesses all the information necessary to uncover the activities of the German underground in Spain. LANG has connections with the following:

 – Sr FINAT, Conde de MAYALDE, Spanish Chief of Police. (Through LANG’s father-in-law who was employed in the Direccion General de Seguridad.)

– German SD and agents. (Through Adolf STEIN, a German school teacher in Madrid.)

GENSEROWSKI, an Abwehr agent and member of the German Consulate at Bilbao.

– Padre LANGE (see below).

KUEHLENTAL. (For connections with the KO and the SIS)

– Spanish government agencies in charge of issuing passports and visas, booking offices for securing passage on boats for Abwehr agents, and other maritime services.

Referat I-g for secret codes and inks.

2. Padre LANGE (Pater Agostin Maria LANGE)

      Padre LANGE (name by which most commonly called) is con­sidered by AMENDE to be a key figure in the Spanish Intelligence Service. Padre LANGE is a German by birth, who, although completely given to the Church, has not given up his love for and allegiance to Germany.

      During 1943 and 1944, when the GIS was very active in the Iberian peninsula, Padre LANGE was a principal link between the leaders of KO Spanien and those Spaniards who were willing to do sabotage and counter-intelligence work for the Germans.

      Padre LANGE is known to have last lived in the Pyrenees region where he often travelled from one monastery to another, keeping in touch with the Basque peasantry whose welfare he had at heart. His pro-Basque attitude and convictions alienated him from more nationalist-minded northern Spaniards.

      It is believed that he was never sympathetic to the Nazis because their views conflicted with his uncompromising Catholicism. His activities on behalf of the Abwehr are ex­plained as stemming from his love for Germany. He was politically unfriendly to FRANCO.

      Padre LANGE was closely connected with the Basques living on the French and Spanish border, the people there having complete confidence in him as a spiritual leader and helping him with frontier crossings and related intelligence activities.

      AMENDE states that Padre LANGE was able to maintain liaison with the Church in Ireland, but does not know whether priests were sent on missions to Ireland by the Abwehr or the Spanish Intelligence Service..

      AMENDE believes that Padre LANGE’s position as member of the Misioneros del Sagrado Corazón de Jesus, a member order of the Society of Jesus with extensive missions in South America and Central Africa, may have been used to secure assistance for Abwehr agents on missions.

      Little is known of Padre LANGE’s influence in Italy other than that he was in contact with his superiors in Rome.

      Despite Padre LANGE’s lack of popularity with certain Spanish nationalist groups, he was on excellent terms with the Spanish Intelligence Service and was always kept completely informed about internal and external matters. In addition, Padre LANGE operated his own private intelligence net, which enabled him to provide the SIS with important information.

      Both the SIS and the GIS considered Padre LANGE’s net of agents to be invaluable, although he vas never completely taken into the confidence of the Abwehr. AMENDE says that KO Spanien never made as full a use of LANGE as might have been made.

      Padre LANGE’s present whereabouts are unknown, but it is believed that he is still in Spain and could easily be located. His last known residence was in a boarding school near Bilbao where he was an instructor for sons of the Spanish nobility.

      AMENDE says that there were no relations between Referat II and the Spanish Intelligence Service. Any project undertaken by Referat II was of necessity kept secret from the German Embassy itself. All sabotage actions on Spanish soil were covered to prevent any proof that these were German-inspired. Spanish agents were recruited without the help of any official Spanish government agencies, and sabotage operations were carried on independently of any other organizations in Spain, Spanish or otherwise. Only in planning the R-net against a possible Allied invasion of Spain, did BLAUM (…) recruit the aid of PERALES and his followers.


Annex II

Net of informants in Spain.

      According to AMENDE it should be possible to establish a net of informants knowledgeable on the activities of the remaining elements of the GIS in Spain. Some of these potential informants are considered neutral, others pro-Allied, and others pro-German. (…) AMENDE is not sure of their exact sympathies. Nevertheless, he suggests the following as a possible plan of procedure:

      First contact with Spaniards across the border from Cerbere might be established with the chief of the frontier police at Port-Bou, a certain Mariano López VINUALES and his assistant SOL could serve as liaison men with agenta head­quarters in France, bearers of correspondence, and could be helpful in granting entrance and frontier-crossing permits.

      VINUALES, then, is the man to contact RUIZ DEL VALLE and AMABLE in Figueras. The latter two are members of the Spanish Intelligence Service, good friends of AMENDE with leads into Barcelona, and are likely to be cooperative. In Barcelona, MORENO BRAVO is the key informant on any subject concerning

– former members and activities of German Consulates

Abwehr Stelle Barcelona

– Plans and projects of former Referat II, KO Spanien

– Shipping during the war; dispatching of agents

– The Spanish Intelligence Service

– Leads into Madrid

      From MORENO BRAVO the link to CASANAS may be established. CASANAS well known in Spanish politics since 1937, has connections with:


– Clique of general officers surrounding France

Falange and minor parties with similar policies

– Spanish police (for check on aliens, registers)

– Civil service throughout the country

Falange police, and Spanish Intelligence Service in Spanish Morocco, and possibly South America .

SERRANO SUÑER and his immediate environment (now eclipsed in Oviedo) and has acquaintance with:

LICIMADA JUANA (member of SIS -alien registration)

AGULLÓ (Naval Intelligence)

BOMBÍN (SIS and Falange police)

Emilio LANG (and through him wit h former Referat I, KO Spanien.

      Emilio LANG, the next man in the chain, may be consulted with the purpose of obtaining all information concerning the GIS, especially recent activities of what remained of KO Spanien. LANG may also be able to contact Padre LANGE in Bilbao. Padre LANGE, another key man, would be invaluable for connections with:

– Church in Spain (church heads in Madrid)

– Nobility

GIS and its past activities in Ireland and S America

– the Basques

– and his intimate knowledge of conditions in N Spain.


AMREIN, Josef. From OSS Secret Intelligence Special Funds Record 2801-2850: Siemens.

      Electrician (Industria Eléctrica S.A.). Alameda de Mazarredo 3, Bilbao. Born Madrid, 26 Feb. 1909. Passport No. 2156/38 issued San Sebastian.

AMRHEIN / AMREIN, Max. In 1945 he posed as German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

ANDERS, Karl. German agent classified B. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. Director of the factory Menge, Barcelona.

ANDERSCH, Alfred. From OSS Secret Intelligence Special Funds Record 2801-2850: Commercial Agent. Artasamina 3 dcha., Bilbao. Born Ratibor O./S., 4 July 1898. Passport No, 299/37 issued Altona-Wandsbek, 12.2.37. Member NSDAP and DAF.

ANDERSEN, Erich. Commander Censure section. Decorated by FRANCO with the Medalla de la Orden Imperial del Yugo y las Flechas. (BOE, 30 Septiembre, 1941).

ANDREAE, Jurgen / Jürgen. Agent classified III-A in OSS records. University Director.

ANDRES, Helmut. German formerly employed as technician by the Spanish Government.Listed for departure on SS Marine Marlin, scheduled to leave the Port of Bilbao about Agust 31, 1946. Entered Spain March 6, 1945.

ANDRESS MOSER, Hermann Karl. From Safehaven Report, American Embassy, August 13, 1945: Born in Darmstadt 10 March, 1890. Married. Two sons in German Army.

      Working for Merck since 1911 dealing with Spain and South America. He went to Spain in 1912 as representative for the house of Loewenstein. Later in business with a Spanish druggist in Malaga, José PELÁEZ BERMÚDEZ. Returned to Germany 1914-1918 for Army service. Returned to Spain about 1923. Fled from Republican zone at Barcelona in August 1936 to re-enter in the Nationalist zone at Vigo in September. Renewed his company’s operations in a warehouse at Vigo, where Merck semi-finished products from Germany were processed, packaged, and sold in Nationalist territory.

      Under interrogation by Allies he alleged difficulties with Johannes BERNHARDT, top executive of Hisma (predesessor of Sofindus) because of ANDRESS’ alleged refusal to handle the compensation arrangements for his import of drugs through Hisma-Rowak clearing system.

      ANDRESS was president of the German Chamber of Commerce from 1932-1936 and one of the founders of the German Clubhouse in Barcelona, which later became the Nazi Party house. Member of NSDAP since 1933 till end of the war. He paid the regular membership fees to the Party, plus special contributions for miscellaneous reasons. In addition, he and all German employees of subject’s company paid specified percentages of their wages to the Deutsche Arbeitsfront in Spain.

      «Subject company was founded in Spain in 1923, Bernhardt PFOTENHAUER, director of Merck in Darmstadt, came to Spain in 1923 specifically for the purpose of founding a Spanish subsidiary. Its original capital was Pesetas 500.000 (1000 shares at 500 Pesetas per share), wholly owned by Merck. (…) Around 1929 the company’s capital was increased to Pesetas 1.000.000. The additional 500.000 allegedly was paid for, and stock delivered to the following Spaniards: Isaac NOGUERAS, Antonio NOGUERAS, Alvaro CALDUCH. The first two are brothers and physicians. CALDUCH is a pharmaceutist. All three are allegedly friends of ANDRESS and paid for the stock out of their own earnings. The interviewer expressed mild surprise that these persons would earn enough to be able to spend 500.000 Pesetas on stock, and ANDRESS’ reply plus evident embarrassment on this point aswell as later left the impression that the mentioned Spaniards were cloaks for Merck money.

      On or about 1933, the company’s capitalization was apparently increased to Pesetas 1.510.000, although ANDRESS was not clear as to the exact amount of the increase. The additional Pesetas 510.000 of shares were apparently divided among the following Spaniards: Pablo SÁNCHEZ (businessman), Álvaro CALDUCH (pharmaceutist), Pedro ROMERO (businessman), SALA (dentist), ORIOL (doctor). Questioned with respect to the source of the funds paid by the Spaniards, ANDRESS was again embarrased and evasive. In early 1939 the company’s capitalization was apparently increased to Pesetas 2.010.000 and shareholdings rearranged as follows: Carlos ANDRESS: 350.000 pts; Hans EGERT (director of the company): 150.000. ANDRESS admits that these two German holdings totaling 500.000 were the same 500.000 originally bought by Merck and belong equitably to Merck. in addition, Pesetas 1.510.000 were divided among the following Spaniards: Dr. Antonio NOGUERAS, Pablo SÁNCHEZ, Álvaro CALDUCH, Pedro ROMERO, SALA and ORIOL.

      The interviewer thereupon asked ANDRESS whether he would be willing to sign a sworn statement to the effect that the Pesetas 1.510.000 worth of shares were paid exclusively from Spanish funds and neither directly nor indirectly by Merck or any other German source. He replied that he could not make such statement , plead ignorance and stated that PFOTENHAUER and STEINHAGE, who came to Spain on behalf of Merck in 1929 (…) may have had some private understanding with the mentioned Spaniards without ANDRESS knowing the details thereof. Interviewer’s impression was that ANDRESS is fully informed concerning such detils, and he therefore suggested to ANDRESS, and ANDRESS promised, a careful refreshing of his own memory and a written statement on this subject on or before the end of August. It was pointed out that evidence undoubtedly forthcoming from the house of Merck in Germany would naturally be available to check against any statement by ANDRESS.

      Company Officers and personnel: The board of directors is identical with the last mentioned stockholders. ANDRESS and EGERT are the principal officers and actually run the firm. Spanish stockholders are not employed by the company and visit it only infrequently. ANDRESS and EGERT receive Pesetas 6500 and 4500 respectively in their monthly salary.

      The following Germans are likewise connected with the Spanish house: Nikolaus SCHAEFER (technician instructed by Merck), Helmut FIEDLER (businessman and apoderado), salaries ptas 3500 per month, Hans HOFFMAN ( chief of the company’s Madrid office), monthly salary Pesetas 4000. Besides the foregoing, the following are representatives of the German house of Knoll, A. G., and act as so-called scientific representatives of the local house, paid by it to explain the customers the use of Knoll products: WALTMAN, monthly salary ptas. 3500 (located at Barcelona), Wilhelm KOLBE, monthly salary pts. 3000 (office in Valencia), Hans SCHRAMM, salary ptas. 2500 (Bilbao), EICKHOFF, salary ptas. 3000 (Madrid)».

      Address of ANDRESS: calle Dr. Roux, Tres Torres, Sarria, Barcelona. Tfn. 84218. ANDRESS married Eduvigis MAGEL SIEBEN. One surviving son, Horst . A brother , Dr. Fritz ANDRESS was also NSDAP member. He was connected with firm Lacer, S.A in post war years. He died in Barcelona 4 February, 1973. He was Evangelist.


ANGER, Bernhardt. German agent repatriated from Bilbao. From Washington Office, Special Funds Division Finance, Intelligence (WASH-SPDF-INT). Docs. 2051-2100: General manager of Transportes Marion (cloak company). Connected with Joaquín MIRANDA (president), Dietrich PROPFE (secretary) and Juan BARBER ALANDETE (Technical director).

ANGERMUND, Walter. Commander Decorated by FRANCO with the Medalla de la Orden Imperial del Yugo y las Flechas. (BOE, 30 Septiembre, 1941).

ANNECKE, Hildegarde. Girl-friend of Ricardo SALUSCHKE, paymaster of the military department. SALUSCHKE refused to leave Spain unless accompanied by his protegee ANNECKE. Repatriated on Highland Monarch 7 March, 1946. DOB. 30 August 1916. E-52 Priority List. DOB. Wiesbaden.

ANTON. Helmuth. Agent classified III-A in OSS records. Santander. Professor. Born about 1910.

ANZUR, Franz Josef. From OSS Secret Intelligence Special Funds Record 2801-2850:

      Manager of paper factory, Logroño. Ciudad Jardín, Calle Sanjurjo 1, Logroño. Born Anschluss, 28 Feb. 1900. Passport No. 610/38 issued Shanghai. Member of DAF. (To Barcelona 1941)

APPEL, Hans. Commander Decorated by FRANCO with the Medalla de la Orden Imperial del Yugo y las Flechas. (BOE, 30 Septiembre, 1941).

ARDURA, Jose, alias ARBITRIO. From STUBBS and BUGGE’s report on I-M Spain: «Had connections with Ministerio de Justicia, Ministerio de Trabajo. His assistant PARENTE FIGUEREDO alias PAFI, leader of the Portuguese youth movement.»

ARENS / AHRENS, Edwin Paul. German Embassy employee on Official List, A-1, as AHRENS, Edwin. Repatriated on Highland Monarch 7 March, 1946. DOB. Hamburg, 17 February 1919.

ARENS CLEMENS, Virgilio also arranged as CLEMENS, Virgilio Arens in OSS records. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. 2nd Lt. Spanish Foreign Legion. Ceuta. Intelligence agent I-B.

ARFSTEN, Nanning Arnold. Abwehr agent. In US list of hardened nazis for repatriation. Address: Avenida García Barbón 2, Vigo.

      In Vigo since 1942. Born December 26, 1900 at Wyk-Boldixum. Married with three children in 1946. Electrical engineer with Siemens. Member of NSDAP, NSKK, and DAF. Instrumental in blocking Allies in regard to school. From OSS Secret Intelligence Special Funds Record 2801-2850: Siemens. Pass­port No. II 6426/41 issued Berlin (Abt.II) 21.1.41.

ARMBRUSTER GARCIA, Eugen / Eugenio. German agent classified C. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. Address: Alonso Cano 23, Madrid. Worked for Tubos y Hierros, S.A. From OSS Secret Intelligence Special Funds Record 2801-2850: Manager of Tubos y Hierros Indus­triales. Ondategui 27, Las Arenas (Bilbao). Born Barcelona, 22 Feb. 1904. Passport issued Bilbao 12.2.38. Member of DAF.

ARMENTEROS URBANO / DE ARMENTEROS Y URBANO, Pedro. Spanish agent working for Germans.

      From OSS Secret IntelligenceSpecial Funds Records 1942 1946 226, Memorandum by X-2 Branch dated 28 June, 1945: «We have information evaluated B-3 that ARMENTEROS (probably the same as Pedro DE ARMENTEROS) former Chief of Information and Investigation of the Barcelona provincial Falange, has succeeded in leaving Spain and is at present in Argentina. It is thought that he undertook the trip in great secrecy -under an asumed name- since not even his most intimate friends were aware of the fact.

      The present Inspector of the Falange. Miguel Angel LUNA, calle Balmes 26, also is thinking of going to Argentina to join ARMENTEROS. Our record on LUNA reads: «Replaced José VÁZQUEZ as Chief of Falange Intelligence»

      We have the following on ARMENTEROS: Falange Provincial Delegate of Information and Investigation. Works for Germans. With E. LASARTE approached British Consulate, but they wera aware of his activities. Now in Argentina.»

      Office Memorandum, US Government, 18 December, 1944, Subject: Flight of Axis Assets to Latin America: «Unverified information has been furnished by the Legal Attache at Montevideo, Uruguay, indirectly from Jorge ADAMS an exiled communist in Uruguay, of Hungarian birth, to the effect that various Nazi Party officials had sent large amounts of money for deposit to Buenos Aires, Argentina and La Paz, Bolivia. The Spanish shipping firm, Aznar and Cía, is alleged to have assisted in making transfers from Europe. One Alejandro ZUBIZARRETA, technical director of the Aznar firm in Bilbao, Spain, has also participated in this activity.

      According to this informant, other individuals who have aided in the work of bringing and depositing money in Latin America for Axis interests are Juan VENTOSA CALVET (misspelling for CALVELL) and Francisco de Asís de CAMBÓ. The Duke of ALBA, Spanish ambassador to England, is said to have obtained permission for VENTOSA to enter England under the pretext that he was to work for the restoration of Spanish monarchy.

      The allegation was also made that Banco Frances-Italiano, Buenos Aires, Argentina, is considered to be one of the principal firms assisting the Nazi Party in transferring funds to Argentina.

      Another individual alleged to have engaged in forwarding Nazi funds to Argentina is one Pedro ARMENTEROS, who recently arrived in Argentina from Spain.»

      (see VENTOSA CALVET, Juan and CAMBÓ, Francisco de Asís cards for further information)

      From FBI Memorandum, dated 10 December, 1944, signed by John Edgar HOOVER:

      «Information was received that on January 12, 1944, Pedro de ARMENTEROS y URBANO sailed from Barcelona, Spain, en route to Buenos Aires, Argentina aboard the S.S, Cabo de Buena Esperanza. He was travelling as a correspondent for the newspaper Vanguardia and planned to settle permanently in the Argentine. He was accompanied by his mother and two adult sisters.

      It was further reported that ARMENTEROS had been formerly Chief of Information and Investigation of the Falange in Barcelona, but was dismissed during 1943 for embezzlement of public funds, and was generally known as a «notorious scoundrel».

      On January 28, 1944, ARMENTEROS was interviewed and searched at Trinidad. At that time it was ascertained that ARMENTEROS was born in Bellmunt, Tarragona, Spain in 1912.

      He was carrying a letter dated December 29th, written on paper headed Bose, Productos Químicos, Rambla Canaletas 13, 1o, Barcelona, without cover and no address, giving the bearer the power to sell outright for 200,000 pesos, or rights of exploitation on agreed terms Patents Nos 149,189 and 163,651 property of Antonio CAMPANA BANDRANAS, Casanova 178 and Rambla de Cataluña 7, Barcelona. The bearer is to act in this affair with and through Mena BANDRANAS PALA or his son Roberto of Florida 783, Buenos Aires. The patents refer to a photographic process for making Identity Cards, etc…which would be impossible to falsify or forge.

      A similar letter dated December 28, 1943, referring to Sinefin, which apparently has not yet been patented (…). In this letter it is stated that two sample machines can be sent to the Argentine within three months by the Diplomatical Bag (utilizando la via diplomatica)


      Letter to bearer dated January 12, 1944, signed Maruja. Writer states that the Bank is Anglo South American Bank and adds that Enrique PAGES had the name of the Bank from Enrique ALSINA. Writer informs bearer that there are $ 500 (five hundred dollars) in the Bank and all he has to do is to present his passport.

      Letter dated January 11, 1944, addressed to bearer from El Director de La Vanguardia, Barcelona, confirming a conversation and agreeing to accept articles sent by bearer from Americar. Writer states that he does it at the repeated request of the Gobernador Civil and Jefe Provincial del Movimiento en Barcelona * (*Antonio CORREA VEGLISON).

      A letter dated January 12, 1944, from Ritmo y Melodía Publicaciones, Villarroel 18, Barcelona, appointing bearer their representative in South America. (…)

      A Memorandum relating to the formation of a Commercial Delegation of Argentine Exporters in Barcelona and its Free Port which is to be considered as an Argentine port for the distribution of Argentine products in the Mediterranean. The Argentine Delegation is to work with a Delegation that is being or has been formed by Pedro de ARMENTEROS in Barcelona. The memo heading states that it is written by Dr. A. de AROLAS and is dated Barcelona, December 1943.

      (…) During the interrogation of ARMENTEROS he stated that (…) in 1932 he had served two years of military service with the Sanidad Militar, after which he studied law until the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. He remained in Barcelona until December 1936, when he decided to leave the Republican zone and join the Nationalists. He went from Barcelona to Lisbon on a Mexican war transport, leaving his family in Barcelona.

      He proceeded to Salamanca where he was mobilized and posted to the Catalan Infantry Corps. He served in the Santander front. After serving six months in the regiment of a personal friend, FERNÁNDEZ BALBIS, ARMENTEROS applied for a commission and was sent to the Riffian Academy at Ceuta. He served at several other posts and in April 1939, because of his health, he returned to Barcelona.

      In 1942 he transferred to the Sindicato de Espectáculos Públicos which was responsible for all theatrical and film productions in Barcelona. Later he contributed to the newspapers Solidaridad Nacional and La Prensa. These papers were government-owned. At the advice of a friend, MOLINA, Argentine consul in Barcelona, he decided to go to the Argentine and write articles for the Vanguardia. This employment was obtained through Conde de GODO.

      During the interrogation, ARMENTEROS was said to have «glossed» over his connections with the Falangist Party and later admitted that he was a Camisa Vieja, which indicated that he had been a Falangist before the Civil War.

      He complained about the number of former Catalan Separatist who were members of the Falange in Barcelona. He admitted that many of his colleagues had cooperated actively with the Germans; however, he mantained that he had preserved an entirely Nationalist outlook and refused to cooperate. Because of his attitude he said that he was denounced on numerous occasions by one Captain BRAVO MONTERO, apparently a notorious German agent . He denied having being approached by any Germans prior to his departure from Barcelona; however he did state that he knew two men named TIMMELL (phonetic) and BARTOLEIT (phonetic), both of whom were reported to have been well-known German agents in Barcelona (…)

      In addition to the 500 Argentine pesos, ARMENTEROS also received authority from a friend, Enrique ALSINA, Calle Ausias March Esp, Paseo San Juan, Barcelona to make use of about $ 1500 in United States currency which is deposited in ALSINA’s name in the Anglo South-American Bank and is now in the Bank of London and the River Plate. ALSINA es apparently a house agent in Barcelona.(…)

      ARMENTEROS arrived in Buenos Aires, Argentina, February 23, 1944, aboard of the S.S. Cabo de Buena Eperanza, where he registered at the City Hotel. Observations of his activities revealed nothing particularly suspicious except that on February 25, 1944 he went to the Hotel Jousten, Corrientes 300, for about two hours. This hotel is operated by and for Germans and is a notorious Nazi hangout. On February 29, 1944, ARMENTEROS and Francisco FERNÁNDEZ JIMÉNEZ, who is suspected of being a German agent, met at the City Hotel and in the afternoon they went together to the Banco de la Provincia, San Martin 135. After leaving the bank, ARMENTEROS returned to the City Hotel and JIMÉNEZ went to the Spanish Consulate. Juan Enrique Jorge PAGES, who traveled from Spain on the same boat with ARMENTEROS, appears to be a close friend. These men have been together a great deal. PAGES was las reported to be living at Las Heras 2948, fourth floor, apartment A.

ARNOLD, Eugen. Agent classified IV-B in OSS records. Chief of NSDAP in Granada. Lived in Malaga.

ARNOLD, Johannes. In 1945 he posed as German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

ARNOLD, Karl / Karlo / Carlos/ Theo. German agent classified A. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. SD/ Gestapo. Repatriated by army air transport on 23 August 1946.. Listed B-16, , I Priority. Identical with the representative of Amt VI D RSHA in Spain. Subject wanted for intensive interrogation in Germany.

      Information from the office of Attache D. P. Medalie: «From a reliable source dated June 9, 1944, it is reported that one group of SD in Spain is under joint direction of subject, a director of Cía. General de Lanas, Ayala 10, Madrid. Private tel. Nº at this address is 67164 (this is number listed in 1944 tel. book for company and MOSIG). Subject charged with collating all information. ARNOLD was chief of German espionage in Argentina until the war. Also controlled communications to Berlin largely by W/T. In sending messages, subject got in touch with Karla BRAND. Subject was reported to have large quantities of counterfeit and sterling in France which was sold in Spain and Portugal, and apparently large quantities in Sweden, Switzerland and Turkey, total value of which was between one and two million pounds. Only four persons knew the notes were counterfeit: Source, ARNOLD, MOSIG and HEYMANN.

      Information from a British report dated October 28, 1944: ARNOLD worked directly under the supervision of the Embassy and was nominally director of Cía. de Lanas, Ayala 10.

Information from Vice Consul N. O. Titus’ files: A request was made that subject be detained in Spain and examined. A packet of 20.000 pounds sterling in banknotes was found in Restaurante Cóndor (Jorge Juan, 68, Madrid) and subject was arrested. The Spanish police searched his domicile but their efforts were in vain.

      Information from a British report dated May 28, 1945: When Arthur GEBAUER, Abwehr agent, was in Berlin in January 1944, he was introduced to ARNOLD from Madrid and told that he could apply to him, should he need anything in Spain. In August 1944 GEBAUER again got in touch with subject, who referred the case to Berlin. The suspension of Lufthansa services prevented GEBAUER’s return to Germany and he remained in Spain partly on his own funds, partly assIed by ARNOLD. Later ARNOLD told GEBAUER he could no longer supply him with funds and he must apply to HAMMES.

      On August 24, 145, the D.G.S (Direccion General de Seguridad) charged against ARNOLD who had been arrested on June 12th, 1945, for counterfeit money transactions. However, the records show that subject was later released from prison.

     General information provided by the office of Attache D.P. Medalie:

     German. Born in Pforzheim March 22,1911 (year not clearly stablished). Arrived in Argentine about 1933 and was later employed by Thilo MARTENS of Martens & Cia., Av. 25 de Mayo 267, Buenos Aires, a prominent member of the NSDAP. Known to have been actively engaged with Alfredo MUELLER, who was then head of the Deutsche Arbeitsfront in Argentina, in underground activities, the two men generally believed to have been the leaders of anti-Allied sabotage in the Western Hemisphere. According to the report of the Taborda Committee of the Argentine Congress, he was in receipt of a monthly salary of 500 pesos paid by the Union of Cultural and Benevolent Societies (formerly the Argentine NSDAP), and was supreme chief of the Gestapo and of the so-called Assault Troops (Sturmabteilung or SA).

      The same source also referred to meetings which he had held with leaders of the National Socialist Societies and with ex-convicts who had been responsible for a series of acts of terror in late 1934 and early 1935. As a result of the above, and order for his arrest and deportation was issued but, after hiding in the German Embassy, he escaped to Uruguay where he was kept under «open» arrest in the Hotel Maas, Montevideo. He sailed for Brasil on September 1, 1940. He was not allowed to land at Santos, but on arrival at Rio de Janeiro he was seen off by the police on the L.A.T.I. plane on September 7, 1940.

      In Madrid since at least the summer 1942, working for the SD under cover of employment as director of Compañía General de Lanas, subsidiary of Sofindus. Engaged in recruiting and running courier in Spanish transatlantic vessels, either personally or through a cut-out in Sofindus. Also served as a cover address for correspondence to and from agents in South America, frequently receiving clandestine consignments of mail and commodities at his office. Specialized in political information concerning South America and Spain. Travelled to Bilbao, Irun, San Sebastián, Barcelona and Valencia, and during 1943 went three times to Germany. Visited Vigo in September 1944.

      Height 5,7 (170 cm); thickset built, round face, fair hair, brown eyes, ruddy complexion with pimples. Passports: (1) Nº 308/1940 issued Buenos Aires; (2) Nº 1952/42 issued Berlin May 20, 1942; (3) Nº 1536. Address:May 1943, private: Calle Lista 76, 3 floor left, Madrid; 1944, office: Calle Ayala, 10. Tfn. 67164 and 53131, Madrid. Private address: Calle Lista 76, 3rd floor left, Madrid.

      From Sunday Times 1946, August 25, p.1:


      MADRID, Sat: Karl ARNOLD Nazi spy who was brought to the airport in a coma from an over dose of sleeping tablets, was deported with 14 Germans by air to Frankfurt. Arnold took the pills during the night in a reported attempt at suicide.

      Others deported included a woman, Karla BRANDT, ex-Secretary to the Gestapo Chief in Spain; Henrich BAUER, stated to be wanted in Britain, France and Belgium, and Walter MOSSIG, notorious member of the Gestapo.

Interrogation Report of Karl Gustav ARNOLD

      Interrogated by W. Wendell Blancke, Foreign Service Officer: at Camp 76, Hohenasperg,on September 9, 11, 12, 17; at Wanasee .Internment Camp,Berlin,on October 15, 16,l8,21,24,29,31,and November 5, 8, 12, 1946. Language_,Spanish. Berlin, Germany, November 20, 1946.

I. Introduction


       In view of the attempted suicide some difficulty was expected in interrogat­ing ARNOLD, and at the outset he displayed considerable agility in avoiding being pinned down concerning his activities in Spain. But once it was demonstrat­ed that the general scheme of his activities was known he began, to fill in many of the lacunae: apparently his own long training in intelligence work had schooled his nature to abhor the vacuum left by a missing fact, and he was anxious, once he had beg-on talking, to get the story straight, Moreover, ARNOLD ’s common sense showed him that as a U.S. prisoner in occupied Germany he had nothing to gain by being stubborn; and his basic honesty made it hard for him to tell lies, or even half-truths.

      The prisoner felt very strongly regarding the venality and corruption prevalent in Spanish officialdom; particularly in those who took money to protect him, then, once they had bled him dry, turned him over to the police. For many of his erstwhile German colleagues, too, he seemed to feel indifference and a contempt that was easily explainable in the light of their general performance. Like others of his type, however, ARNOLD appeared to have pacted with himself not to volunteer information on unbroached subjects, and for this reason there may easily be aspects of his activity which were-missed -entirely in the present interrogation.

II. Chronological Guide

Early Background. Born at Pforzheim, March 22, 1911, of Karl Wilhelm ARNOLD and Christine VOLLE. Prisoner was baptized Karl Gustav but never used middle name, Married in 1935, has one son and one daughter.

      Primary school from 6-9 years of age; secondary school from 9-15; finished one year of commercial high school (Hoehere Handelsschule) in a half year. Entered as apprentice in jewel-manufacturing establishment of Oscar BENTNER at Belfortstrasse 19, Pforzheim, where he perfected himself in office routine. Finished apprenticeship July 31, 1929, and on August 19 emigrated to Argentina aboard the SS General Belgrano.


1929 Worked as commercial employee of Lahusen y CÍa. Ltda., at Paseo Colón 315, Buenos Aires.

1931 Joined N.S.D.A.P.

1932 Employed by Merck, Química Argentina S.A., Buenos Aires.

1935 Took three-month leave to Germany, got married in Leonberg and returned with wife to Buenos Aires.

1937 Accepted job as full-time employee in central office of Landesgruppe Argentinien, at 300 pesos a month.

1938 Made Organisationsleiter of Landesgruppe, salary raised to 500 pesos.

1939 Wife suffering from Buenos Aires climate, returned to Germany in August to stay.

July I940. As part of general investigation of Nazi activities by Argentine Congressional Committee, prisoner hailed before Argentine police and told to desist from Party activities. On Embassy’s advice, packed up and left for Montevideo. Uruguayan authorities gave him three weeks to leave country.

August I940 Left for Brazil on SS Hawaii Maru. After stay of about three

weeks managed to obtain passage on L.A.T.I. airplane for Europe.

September 1940 Reached Rome on September 3I


October 1940 Arrived Berlin October 4, presented himself to Ernst Wilhelm BOHLE, Chief of the Auslandsorganisation. No openings in AO, but BOHLE promised to find something. Prisoner volunteered for army, then took short leave to visit parents and wife in Pforzheim. A few hours before he was to be inducted at Spandau barracks in Berlin he was ordered to report for duty at R.S.H.A.

November 1940 Began work at Amt VI-D4, R.S.H.A., on November 1.Translated from Spanish to German, and later briefed agents going on missions to South America. Applied for SA membership.

December 1941 ordered to Baden Baden to try to develop SD contacts among Latin diplomats interned there awaiting exchange. Had no appreciable success. May 1942 Exchange effected, ARNOLD accompanied Brazilian diplomats to Biarritz, returning with Germans. Reported back to Berlin.


September 1942 Ordered to Madrid as special representative of Amt VI-D4, to establish and maintain clandestine courier service with South America. Lived at Hotel Nacional. In mid-September ARNOLD met up with Johannes Siegfried BECKER, head of SD espionage, in South America, who :was awaiting chance to get to Argentina. During ensuing months BECKER and ARNOLD worked out bases of future courier system.

October 1942 Moved to apartment at Calle Lista 76, third floor. (Number of same house later changed to 72). Took trip to Bilbao with BECKER and enlisted services of Jorge DEMMEL for courier system. In mid-October prisoner obtained cover-employment with Compañía General de Lanas, at Calle Ayala 10, second floor: company was subsidiary of Sofindus, and ARNOLD obtained job through friendship with Anton WAHLE, assistant director of that company. Prisoner installed one-room office in the Cía. de Lanas, but his job with them was purely nominal.

December 1942 BECKER finally got off to Argentina as stowaway aboard SS Rita Garcia.

January 1943 BECKER arrived in Argentina.

February 1943 ARNOLD called back to Berlin for consultation to report on courier plans. Kurt GROSS had taken over Amt VT-D4. After 4-6 days conferring with GROSS and PAEFFGEN, head of Amt VI-D, prisoner visited his family – parents at Pforzheim and wife at Leonberg. Returned to Madrid after about three weeks’ absence.

March 1943 First correspondence arrived from Buenos Airės via newly estab­lished courier system, in early. days of March, at the latest.

June-July I943 Dr. PAEFFGEN visited Madrid for about 10 days, having come to confer with Martin MEYWALD, Armin SCHMIDT and Ana de POMBO regarding projected establishment of a dress-shop. PAEFFGEN lived for eight days at Calle Lista 72 with ARNOLD.

August 1943 Prisoner advised by Amt VI that wife was seriously ill, given permission to return for visit. Remained with wife, at Leonberg about 15 days till she was out of danger. Spent two or three days conferring in Berlin, then returned to Madrid.after three weeks’ absence.

November 1943 Major Elías BELMONTE PABÓN of Bolivia arrived in Madrid from Berlin. Arnold accompanied him (on orders, from Amt VI) to Bilbao. There they met BELMONTE’s half-brother, Ruben SARDÓN PABÓN, who had just arrived from Argentina. ARNOLD drove the two to Madrid and afterwards saw them across the frontier at Hendaye,en route for Berlin.

January 1944. Flew to Berlin for consultation and visit with his family. Remained eight days in capital, was consulted on project to send cutter Passim to South America with SD agents; BELMONTE and Bolivian Revolution also discussed.

April-May 1944 GROSS, who had been to France to see Passim off, returned via San Sebastián and called ARNOLD, MEYWALD, SCHMIDT and de POMBO there for conference. GROSS’ trip through Spain was only pretext to stock up on cigarettes, cognac, coffee and silk stockings (as was usual), and conference was a joke.

September 1944 Prisoner went to Vigo to await arrival of Passim, imminent return of which had been announced to him by Berlin. Returned to Madrid with Heinz LANGE, Amt VI agent who had been aboard; with them they brought correspondence from Argentina, which ARNOLD forwarded to Berlin.

March 1945 Max SCHNEEMAM and Hans Christian ZUEHLSDOKF arrived in Madrid, separately.

May 1945 With end of war ARNOLD liquidated his organization and left cover-job with Cía de Lanas.

June 1945 Arrested by Spanish Police on June 21 for alleged implication in affair of the forged British banknotes. Held 21 days incomunicado in Dirección General de Seguridad, then transferred to Provincial Prison of Madrid at Carabanchel.

October 1945 Released October 16 on 5,000 Pesetas bail, by Juzgado de Instruc­ción no. 3. Lived for next three months clandestinely at a small hotel in Las Navas del Marques, after which he moved, still in hiding, to Calle Fuentes 10. Was in possession of false identity papers in name of Carlos Alonso KLEIBEL. Dealings with Spanish Intelligence.

July 1946 Moved to San Juan de la Arena, Asturias, living at Casa Tona.

August 1946 Arrested in Asturias by Spanish police and brought back to Madrid. After five days in jail was repatriated by air on August 23. Before leaving took twelve tablets of Luminal, which he describ­ed as «enough to kill a bull», but when he came to he was in Germany.

III. Activities in Argentina

The Landesgruppe Argentinien

      As mentioned in the chronological guide ARNOLD became a full-time employee of the central office of the Nazi Party in Argentina in 1937, and a year and a half later became administrative head of the Landesgruppe. As Organisationsleiter he had two chief sets of duties: 1) to organizo rallies, meetings and assemblies, and handle all matters which were strictly administrative; 2) after the war started, to take care of German youths and girls who wanted to go back to the Fatherland and volunteer for war service. ARNOLD was not a good orator and never spoke at Party gatherings. The political reports which went monthly to Berlin were considered the sole province of the Landesgruppenleiter,


      The prisoner also made not infrequent trips into the Argentine interior, principally among German colonist enterprises such as the one at Colonia Liebig in the territory of Misiones. On these trips ARNOLD’s chief mission was to look into the economic welfare of the settlers, as these colonies were a joint semi-official undertaking of the Embassy and the Landesgruppe, which went halves on the expenses. When the colonists in certain sections became destitute as the result of a two-years’ drought, for example, it was ARNOLD’s job to arrange for their repatriation to Germany. The cost of their fares was charged to Reichkosten and came from the Reich itself via the Embassy: the German Government had an agreement with the German steamship companies to transport the colonists (both ways) at half-price. The cost of succoring destitute settlers with food and clothing, as in the case of the drought regions, was borne by the local Winterhilfswerk

      The fact of the continuous squabbling between the Landesgruppe and the German Ambassador Edmund von THERMANN is well known, and ARNOLD was questioned briefly on the subject. The prisoner characterized von THERMANN as a liar and the worst type of diplomat, a man who could never be trusted. ARNOLD, of course, was a close friend of Alfred MUELLER, the Landesgruppenleiter, who was von THERMANN’s sworn enemy. When MUELLER returned to Germany in 1940, he managed to wangle an interview with von RIBBENTROP, and told the Foreign Minister to his face that von THERMANN was not to be trusted and was absolutely impossible to work with. RIBBENTROP drew himself up, red in the face, and shouted: how dare MUELLER say that of one of his ambassadors. But MUELLER stuck to his guns and presented his list of some twenty accusations against the Ambassador; and eventually von THERMANN was called back to Germany to answer them.

       In Argentina the Landesgruppe had sporadic contact with the Spanish Falange and somewhat less with the Italian Fascio; but relations were largely limited to the mutual sending of representatives to celebrations of patriotic occasions. Gottfried SANDSTEDE, the German Press Attache, always maintained that the Germans and British in Buenos Aires should establish some sort of sub rosa contact, since he claimed that economically they were both enemies of the United States in Argentina; but to the prisoner’s knowledge this never progressed beyond a project in the mind of SANDSTEDE.

The Graf Spee Sailors

      When the Graf Spee was scuttled in December 1939, ARNOLD was on vacation in the southern lake region: when he returned in late January 1940 the crew was already interned at the Immigration Hotel in the port of Buenos Aires. As Organisationsleiter of the Party the prisoner’s duty was then to do everything he could to enliven the mariners’ sojourn. He arranged trips to the various German athletic clubs, picnic lunches, et cetera; he also saw that they were represented at the regular patriotic reunions, for example, the German national holiday on May 1 and the Solstice Festival at the Neuen Deutschen Turnverein in Vicente Lopez. ARNOLD averred thit his part in aiding the flight of the Graf Spee officers was an unimportant one, being limited to once taking two of them to Córdoba in his car. He professed not to know anything about how false documents were obtained for the fugitives, although he admitted he knew this was being done.

Expulsion from Argentina

      In 1939-40 a series of actions was carried out against the National Socialist organization by the Damonte TABORDA investigating committee and the democratic society, Accion Argentina. Proceedings began against the person of Alfred MUELLER and various prominent Party members, especially those in Colonia Liebig in Misiones, and eventually reached ARNOLD. In mid-1940 the prisoner was warned by a German-Argentine who had infiltrated Accion Argentina that in a month or six weeks he would be investigated. The tipster, whose name ARNOLD could not recall, was a descendant of Germans who did not speak German, a boy in his early twenties who worked in one of the offices in the building of the Banco Germánico. He was a former member of the early Argentine fascist Legion Civica who had succeeded in joining Acción Argentina -completely on his own initiative and without prompting by the Germans- for the purpose of spying on the members and sowing confusion whenever the opportunity offered itself.

      ARNOLD did not act on the warning, as he considered he was doing nothing illegal, and in July 1940 he was hailed before the Orden Social section of the Argentine police. He was shown into a room full of people and immediately accosted by an official who began shouting at him; the burden of the lecture was that ARNOLD must stop his traveling on the Party’s behalf, he must go to his home and remain there until called again by the police, and, above all, he must not go to German Embassy and tell of his interview with the police. As he finished, the official, who had his back to the others, tipped ARNOLD a broad wink. The prisoner did not know the identity-of this police officer -he was just told by the police he had to go in and see «the chief» but he described him as short, dark and thin. (Note: according to the interrogator’s recollection the inspectors then in charge of Orden Social were MORANO and BIETTI.). ARNOLD, of course, took the wink for what it was worth, and went immediately to the German Embassy with his story. There he was advised to pack up and leave, which he did.

      He traveled perfectly openly to Montevideo by the night boat, using his cédula de idantidad – a document which is carried by most resident foreigners as well as by natives in Argentina – and put up at the Hotel Nogaró. Next day he bought a paper and read to his surprise that Karl ARNOLD had been «expelled» from Argentina by a decree signed by Acting President CASTILLO.

      The prisoner considered that since he had left the country the decree of expulsión might be considered fulfilled, but he nevertheless went into hiding in the boarding house of a German widow; the address was given him by the secretary of minister LANGMANN (the widow herself did not know he was a fugitive). ARNOLD then heard the Uruguayan authorities were looking for him and went to LANGMANN for advice: the Minister was Landesgruppenleiter for Uruguay, and he and the prisoner called each other du. According to LANGMANN the police had already been in touch with the Legation and had left word that if ARNOLD could be reached he should be informed that the police would like to have a friendly talk with him -they gave their word of honor that he would not be arrested. ARNOLD knew better than to put much trust in a Latin American’s word of honor, but on LANGMANN ’s advice he called on the Uruguayan police chief CASAS, accompanied by an official of the Legation.

      The police chief told him that he must return to Buenos Aires immediately, to which the prisoner replied: why should he, when he had just been expelled from there. The Uruguayan then alleged that ARNOLD had entered the country illegally, and the prisoner, countered that he had done, nothing of the sort, having come in with his Argentine cédula. (Note: travel by cédula only was legal and usual between Argentina and Uruguay.) CASAS, however, maintained that ARNOLD ’s entry should have been effected only through a passport and visa, and, in spite of the «word of honor», ARNOLD was arrested then and there. He was not put in jail, but allowed to live in the Hotel Maas under guard of two policemen; he might leave the house, but only in the company of his guards. He stayed in the hotel three weeks. . .

      The prisoner meanwhile got a lawyer and proved that his entry into Uruguay had been legal, whereupon the Uruguayan authorities made out a decree of expulsion and got it signed. ARNOLD interposed habeas corpus but did not have any expectations from it, so when he had a chance he left for Brazil. He managed to got a thirty-day transit visa for that country, and after being refused passage on the Moore McCormack Steamship Line he boarded the SS Hawaii Maru for Rio de Janeiro; this was in the last days of August or on the first of September, 1940.

      When the ship reached the Brazilian port of Santos ARNOLD he was called into conference with the captain of the ship, CONDOW, and the Santos representative of the Japanese line, and advised to leave the vessel there and proceed by rail to Rio, since there was no guarantee that he would be allowed to continue to the Brazilian capital; the Santos authorities had given him permission to leave the Hawaii Maru and continue by train. ARNOLD was in a quandary, but succeeded in persuading the captain to put him through by telephone to the German Embassy at Rio. The Embassy told him to stay aboard at all costs, and he did, continuing the voyage without further mishap. After about three weeks’ stay in Brazil the prisoner obtained a seat on one of the L.AT.I. airplanes.for Europe. He arrived in Rome on September 31 and in Berlin on October 4, 1940.

Espionage personalities in Argentina

      The prisoner was questioned briefly concerning his connections in Buenos Aires with individuals with whom he later had relations in the German intelligence service. These were Walter Eugen MOSIG, Johannes Siegfried BECKER, Kurt GROSS and Heinz LANGE.

      MOSIG, who was later a’ special representativo of Amt VI in Spain, was known to ARNOLD slightly in Buenos Aires. He was working there in the early 30’s as a free-lance businessman representing German firms.

      BECKER, who later became chief of SD espionage for South America, was in 1937-38 the representative of the Deutsches Handwerk in Argentina. His rather vague mission was to arrange for sending German and German-Argentine artisans to the Reich for a training course, and to propagandize for German craft-work.

      Kurt GROSS, later chief of Amt VI-D4 in Berlin, worked in Argentina in the 30’s as assistant to the chemist in the Bauer & Helbing paint factory. GROSS corresponded occasionally with ARNOLD in later years, -once from Spain during the Civil War, once from Kehl when he was with the Gestapo there, and once or twice from Berlin.

      Heinz LANGE the prisoner met in Buenos Aires about a month before he left the country. He came to ARNOLD’s office one day, at N.S.D.A.P. headquarters, and said he had been recommended to call by GROSS in Berlin: the prisoner believed that GROSS had probably suggested his name as one who could be of use to LANGO in getting to know the country. LANGE told ARNOLD he had just arrived as representative of Amt VI for South America, and asked for his help; at the same time he offered his aid in the matter of the Graf Spee escapes. The prisoner believed that LANGE did indeed help out in the latter activity, but he himself left the country within the month and never collabor­ated to any extent with the SD agent.

      Heinz LANGE was an old Party-member who had been expelled from membership for his part in an anti-Party Putsch in Danzig, after which he emigrated to Paraguay in 1926 or 1927. There he married the daughter of an honorary German consul. LANGE was also a relative of Bruno FRICKE, Otto STRASSER’s Schwarze Front representative in Buenos Aires, who later founded the Freies Deutschland movement there. FRICKE’s wife was a SCHADE, and LANGE’s sister was married to a Mr. SCHADE in Paraguay.

     LANGE returned to Germany at the time war broke out, to volunteer for the army –ARNOLD did not know how he had joined up with Amt VI. He also applied for SS membership but his application somehow got bogged down. He arrived in Argentina in 1940 by airplane.

      According to the prisoner, LANGE was not very useful as an intelligence agent -he was an activist who would be good for a sabotage mission, but he had no conception of how to put together a report and it was quite explainable that when Siegfried BECKER took hold of the reins in Argentina, rancor arose between him and LANGE.

IV. Activities in the R.S.H.A., Berlin


      When he arrived in Berlin in October 1940 ARNOLD immediately presented himself at the offices of the Auslandsorganisation and obtained an interview with Gauleiter Ernst W. BOHLE. BOHLE said he did not quite know where, to employ him, as there were at the moment no suitable vacancies in the AO, but assured him that he would be taken care of somehow. ARNOLD thereupon went to a recruit­ing center and volunteered for the army, after which he took a leave and visited his parents and wife at Pforzheim and Leonberg. . Apparently BOHLE’s organization had been active on the prisoner’s behalf, for when he returned to the capital and was preparing to go in two hours time to the Spandau barracks for induction into the Wehrmacht, he was informed by representative of the Sicherheitsdienst that a special arrangement had been made with the army for him to work in the Reichssicherheitshauptamt.

      The R.S.H.A. was at that time interested in getting people with South American experience who spoke fluent Spanish. ARNOLD signed a contract and went to work on November 1. Questioned as to the nature of this document, the prisoner explained that it was not a contract for a period of time but merely a formality to satisfy the Labor Bureau. Regular laborers had an Arbeitsbuch, but office employees had to have some sort of document to prevent their being pressed into service in a war plant or similar occupation. ARNOLD thus became a Vertragsangestellter or contracted employee. Into this class fell the secretarial help and clerks in the R.S.H.A.; they were given a grey pass instead of a red one. (The red pass showed that the bearer was a special agent of the SD, with permission to carry a pistol, travel free, make arrests et cetera.)


      ARNOLD was assigned to Amt VI-D4, the South American desk, and was at first put to work in making translations from Spanish to German. Subsequently, he was given the job of preparing prospective agents for service in South America and briefing them in their work. Only in 1940 had the SD started sending agents for service in South America and briefing them in their work. Only in I940 had the SD started sending agents to the Western Hemisphere -this had previously boon forbidden by HITLER himself: the Fuehrer feared to disturb existing diplomatic relations, especially with the United States, According to the prisoner anyone whose espionage activities caused trouble in North America at that time was to have been shot.

      ARNOLD, having recently returned from Argentina, briefed the agents on probable travel conditions, what documents would be necessary, and above all how to avoid attracting attention. He told them a good bit about life in South America and gave them a set of «general rules.» He also instructed the agents in what Amt VI wanted to know: especially when Walter SCHELLENBERG took over the Amt there was great interest in political reporting. The prisoner got the agents their funds, told them where to go for their radio-operating courses, et cetera. In those days the microdot camera had not yet been perfected: ARNOLD understood it was originally a Russian invention but too cumbersome for use in the field, and that its later practical form was the work of Professor ZAPP of Dresden.

Agents sent to South America

      In 1940 Heinz LANGE was sent to Chile and Paraguay (via Argentina), Siegfried BECKER was sent to Brazil and Argentina, Wolf FRANCZOK went to Brazil, and Hans SCHUERER STOLLE to Argentina. Jonni HARTMUTH was also sent to Paraguay, but ARNOLD had no contact with him as he was originally destined for the United States and was sent abroad by Amt VI-D2 (Referat North America). Excepting for LANGE all the above have since been apprehended, wherefore the prisoner was not asked for details regarding their early activities, which he knew at best only from hearsay. Another agent, or rather semi-agent, was ENGLING, who went to Brazil by airplane while BECKER was there. This individual represented a German commercial house the name of which ARNOLD did not recall, and it was he who later sent in an unfavorable report on BECKER and FRANCZOK (see below).

      As soon as the agents began operating to an appreciable extent the lack of satisfactory lines of communication became noticeable. Reports took a long time to get back to Berlin and in many cases were practically valueless. BECKER’s most trustworthy channel was airmail sent via L.A.T.I. to the cover-address JANNICKE-ORTNER in Berlin. JANNICKE was the owner of a small leather-factory (Ortner meaning «leatherworker»), and when mail arrived from South America he called up Amt VI and they sent a car over to pick it up.

      The first clandestine transmitter set up during the early part of the war met with too many difficulties to be effective. The apparatus was installed aboard an interned German merchant-vessel in the Santos harbor with one of the ship’s German radio-operators doing the transmitting, but soon after it started functioning it was localized by the Brazilian police and the operators had to flee. The equipment was only saved by quick work. The next installed themselves in a private house, but were soon spotted there and from that time on were in constant flight. The intelligence activity of Amt VI, ARNOLD affirmed, was without practical value in the period 1940-42 because of the lack of effective channels of communication.

      As mentioned above, the businessman-agent ENGLING took it upon himself in 1941 to send in a very unfavorable report on BECKER, as well as on FRANCZOK; apparently the former had been having an affair with the wife of the Brazilian Minister of Public Works and had succeeded in making her pregnant. ARNOLD distinctly recalled that Amt VI telephoned BECKER at a private number in Rio de Janeiro, at the end of 1941, and ordered him to return to Berlin, (Note: contrast this with the testimony of Hedwig SOMMER, who said BECKER returned on his own initiative.) When BECKER got back to Berlin he went into a series of conferences with SCHOLLENBERG and Sturmbannfuehrer DAUFELDT, then head of Amt VI-D. Although ARNOLD knew that BECKER was subsequently sent back to take charge of all SD espionage in lower.South America, he knew no details of the conferences since he himself was sent in the meanwhile to Baden Baden. Had the prisoner been, in Berlin BECKER would have doubtless told him the whole story, since the two were friends from their days together in Buenos Aires,

Relations with SCHELLENBERG: ARNOLD ’s SA and SS affiliation.

     Although ARNOLD had little contact with Walter SCHELLENBERG during his days in the Amt, he was later received briefly by his chief on each of the three occasions when he was called back to Madrid for consultation. In addition to the usual interrogatory regarding the political situation in Spain, SCHELLENBERG once asked ARNOLD to prepare him a detailed report setting forth his views in the matter of’ employing women as intelligence agents, The prisoner’s reply was to the effect that he thought very few women apt for such work, owing to their general lack of more than a superficial grasp of politics.

      The prisoner was then questioned regarding’a report that SCHELLENBERG had offered him honorary SS-rank and that he had refused it. It was not SCHELLENBERG who had made the offer, ARNOLD said, but rather his chiefs GEPPERT and DAUFELDT who constantly importuned him in that direction. At the time of his entry into the R.S.H.A. his two superiors assured him that they could get for him the SS-rank of Untersturmführer (second lieutenant), and they pressed blank application forms upon him. When they later reverted to the matter ARNOLD told them that, firstly, his wife suffered from epilepsy and he believed that that was considered a hereditary disease; and, secondly, he would not be willing to leave the (Protestant) church. In spite of repeated assurances that the epilepsy would not stand in his way, ARNOLD stuck to his refusals and said he was satisfied to be a member of the SA. His real reason, which he did not tell to DAUFELDT and GEPPERT, was that he then hoped to leave the SD service as soon as the war was over, which might be difficult for a member of the SS.

      The story of the prisoner’s SA affiliation is as follows: In Argentina there had been no regular SA in the Landesgruppe, but the so-called Sportabteilung was considered its equivalent and ARNOLD, as Organisationsleiter, had charge of this department: he managed such activities as Party swimming, boxing, gymnasium work, soccer football, et cetera. Since he did not wish to join the SS when he came to Germany, the prisoner applied to join the SA, and in due course was informed verbally that he had been named an SA-Sturmfuehrer of the Reserve. This was not an honorary position, but neither was it active; ARNOLD never did quite understand his status. In any event, he filled out many papers, but had not finished with them all before he was sent to Spain. As a consequence he never received any kind of diploma or membership card, and never got an SA uniform.


      GEPPERT, who was head of Amt VI-D4 when the prisoner went to work there, was described by ARNOLD as a «gangster.» He had once sustained a leg injury and was somewhat lame, having to spend considerable time away from the office owing to complications from his injury. GEPPERT was ą misanthrope and quite unpossessed of scruples when it came to making promises of any sort. He was later transferred to one of the sections of Amt VI-F, whore false documents were procured and/or manufactured.

      One of GEPPERT’ s confidants and agents was Toni KURFUERST, the valet of the Brazilian Ambassador at Berlin; ARNOLD believed him to be an Austrian from his accent. KURFUERST had been many years in the service of the Brazilian Embassy and had offered his services voluntarily to Amt VI. He delivered to GEPPERT highly valuable reports on everything that, was said and done in the Embassy. It was through this agent that the SD learned that the Brazilian Ambassador was a sworn enemy of Germany, and that during the Allied air raids he became delirious with joy, even running into his garden and flashing a lantern to help the bombers,

      KURFUERST, however, ceased his collaboration with Amt VI some time before Brazil broke diplomatic relations with Germany and the Embassy was closed. GEPPERT had promised him the rank of Untersturmfuehrer in the SS, but KURFUERST was a Catholic and refused to leave the Church. The application was therefore turned down, and KURFUERST withdrew sulkily from his SD connections.


      GROSS, the last head of Amt VI-D4, was described by ARNOLD as 35-37 years old, and born in a small town in the Province of Baden. ARNOLD met him in Buenos Aires in 1931, when they both joined the N.S.D.A.P. at the same time as mentioned above GROSS worked in the Bauer and Helbing paint factory. At the time the prisoner knew him in Argentina GROSS was a fanatic Nazi idealist who sacrificed much time and money for the Party. In 1934 he returned to Germany, making the trip as deck-hand on a tramp steamer because he had very little money.

      Once in the Reich GROSS joined the SS and obtained a low-salaried job in the Gestapo. During the Spanish Civil War he served in the counter-espionage branch of the Condor Legion, for which he was decorated. He was then assigned to the Gestapo, again in counter-espionage, at Kehl am Rhein, transferring after a period of time, to Amt VI, which sent him to Biarritz. While on the latter job GROSS had a brawl with a German general and was recalled and sent back to the Gestapo to work in the Berlin offices (Amt IV). He there rose to the rank of Kommissar, after which he was again called to Amt VI and put in charge of VI-D4 under Theodor PAEFFGEN.

      During all this time ARNOLD’s only contact with GROSS was through occasional letters. From his later experiences with his chief, however, the prisoner gathered that GROSS became one of the many disillusioned Nazis who thought of nothing but personal comfort, resolved to extract from his position as many material advantages as possible, although he was a capable and intelligent man with a feeling for intrigue, GROSS fell down because of his failure to judge men: as a result of this he picked a series of incompetents and knaves to carry out his missions abroad.

      GROSS enjoyed considerable ill fame among his subordinates for his overbearing and grasping ways. His principle thought during the latter years was how to obtain more cognac, cigarettes, coffee, silk stockings for his lady friends, et cetera. In this, ARNOLD, of course, was in a position to help him, and his chief did not hesitate to burden the prisoner frequently with long «shopping lists.» In common with the rest of the Embassy and associated staffs in Madrid, ARNOLD was allowed to send home three kilograms a week through the diplomatic pouch; but although, he tried to send as much as he could to his wife and parents. GROSS’ demands used up a large portion of the allotted space. Also, every time that ARNOLD was ordered to Berlin for consultation, GROSS accompanied the order with a list of things he wanted. When ARNOLD sent presents to the employees of the Amt, GROSS always expropriated the lion’s share before the recipients, had a chance to get at them: of every three boxes of oranges that ARNOLD sent, for example, GROSS took two. This type of behavior soon became known in the Amt as Grosería.

      Another of GROSS ’ unpleasant characteristics was that of making bombastic threats against the lives of agents with whose work he was dissatisfied. In the case of PESCOLLER, ZIEGRA and BUNGARD, all of whom turned put to be both useless and dishonest, GROSS sent them menacing letters and even demanded of ARNOLD that to have them murdered. The prisoner replied sharply, telling GROSS not to be childish and saying that only if he received a letter from SCHELLENBERG himself would he even contemplate compliance with such a ridiculous order. Aside from the stickiness of such a job, ARNOLD’s value as an intelli­gence agent would be ended if he were forced to start killing off subordinates for inefficiency. Moreover, the prisoner said, it was GROSS ’ fault for sending abroad such a collection of incompetent rascals in the first place.

      The prisoner described Kurt GROSS as follows:

      Age: 35 years (GROSS was born in 1911, the same year as ARNOLD).

      Height: 6 feet. Weight: About. 155 lbs. Hair: Black. Eyes: Black

      Nose: Long and straight. Lips: Thick. Skin: White. Face: Long . Build: Athletic, dancing-master type. Appearance: Elegant

      Languages: German, indifferent Spanish and French. Physical defects: None. Nationality:German.

The Latin-American Desk at the R.S.H.A.

      There follows a brief study of the coiįiosition of the so-called Referat Latin America during ARNOLD ’s time in Berlin, including reference to its changing position within the scheme of Amt VI of the R.S.H.A.

      At first the head of Amt VI was SS-Brigadefuehrer JOST; who was replaced in late 1941 by SS-Brigadefuehrer Walter SCHELLENBERG.

      Until 1941 Latin America came under Amt VI-B, the head of which was SS-Sturmbannfuehrer ROSSNER: VI-B handled Italy, France, Spain and Latin America. The last-named section, called VI-B4, was under Sturmbannfuehrer GEPPERT.

      At that time Amt VI-D, under SS-Sturmbannfuehrer DAUFELDT, comprised the United States, Canada and Great Britain. In 1941, ROSSNER was sent to the eastern front and Latin America was put under DAUFELDT in VI-D; GEPPERT remained head of the Latin American desk, now designated VI-D4. In I942 DAUFELDT was sent to Switzerland as a vice consul and his place as head of VI-D taken by SS-Sturmbannfuehrer (later Obertsurmbannfuehrer) Dr. Theodor PAEFFGEN. GEPPERT remained in charge of VI-D4 for a time.

      While ARNOLD was employed in VI-D4 the composition of the Latin American desk was the following:

Chief: SS-Untersturmfuehrer GEPPERT

Walter BOEHME ……….. left 1944 for front

Kurl ARNOLD ………… left 1942 for Spain

Hans SCHUERER STOLLE ….. left 1942 for Argentina

Miss NAGORSEN …………… left Amt 1944

Mrs. Hedwig SOMMER ……… remained till 1945

       After ARNOLD left for Spain Kurt GROSS was made head of VI-D4 and the number of employees was gradually increased. GROSS brought with him his former Gestapo associate Robert GROSSE, whom the prisoner never met, and added, to ARNOLD’s knowledge: HINTZE, RUNGE, and the Misses RUDAT, KREDDIG, AHRENS, NEUMANN, UTTO and DRESSENDOERFER. Others who, he believed, were subsequently associated with VT-D4 were Untersturmfuührer HAMMAN and SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Willy SCHMITZ. The latter held the police rank of Kriminaldirektor and transferred to Amt VI from Amt IV shortly before or shortly after the prisoner went to Spain.

V. Assignment at Baden Baden

      When after Pearl Harbor the majority of the South American states severed diplomatic relations with Germany, the members of some of the missions were interned at Brenner’s Park Hotel in Baden Baden while they awaited exchange with the German diplomats who were to arrive from Lisbon. The representatives of Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador and Peru arrived at Baden Baden at the end of 1941, according to the prisoner, and Amt VI believed it saw a good chance to meet and make contact with the group as a whole; it was therefore decided to send a man to attempt to gain some of the internees for future collaboration with the SD and the German cause. ARNOLD was given the mission, owing to his mastery of Spanish.

       He was camouflaged as an interpreter of the German Foreign Ministry and adhered rather closely to that duty, putting himself at the disposal of the internees and even giving German lessons to some of them. ARNOLD’s pupils included the daughter of the Uruguayan Minister, Virgilio SAMPOGNARO, the wife of the Uruguayan First Secretary (who was SAMPOGNARO’s son), and the Charge d’affaires of Bolivia, whose name the prisoner could not recall. SAMPOGNARO was subsequently posted to Spain: ARNOLD once saw his two daughters in a Madrid railway station, but naturally avoided letting them see him. Asked if he had heard anything of an affair in Madrid between Armin SCHMIDT and one of the SAMPOGNARO girls —a relationship alleged by Martin MEYWALD in his interrogation— the prisoner said that he had not; but he added that it would not surprise him, as SCHMIDT had affairs with numerous women, many of them from the diplomatic corps.

      Although some of the internees were sympathetic to the German cause, ARNOLD had no success in enlisting anyone as a future agent for the SD. Those who showed themselves pro-German came mostly from the Peruvian group: there were a number of young Peruvian students, proteges of Mme. Edith FAUPEL, who decided to remain in Germany and continue their studios. As a group the Brazilians, Uruguayans, Bolivians and Ecuadorans were either indifferent to the Reich or actively inimical. The Paraguayan representative was an old general whose only thought was to exploit the black market in foreign exchange and to prey on Jews who wanted to flee from Germany; he frequently enticed young Jewesses’ into his rooms on the pretext of arranging their escape, (The internees enjoyed a large amount of freedom and physical comfort, their movements within a limited sphere being practically unhindered.)

      ARNOLD was quizzed briefly regarding the Peruvians who remained in Germany, several possible names being suggested to him. He recollected Dr. Victor MANCHEGO as one: MANCHEGO, he said, worked during the day at broadcasting in Spanish and at night at the Charity Hospital in Berlin, where he almost killed himself from overwork. Dr. Reinaldo ESPINOZA was also recalled by ARNOLD (he was another who broadcast for Germany) and there was a second younger ESPINOZA who eventually returned to Peru. The only other Peruvian student whom the prisoner remembered was one who had the nickname of CULEBRON.

      Two Peruvian diplomats had already agreed to work for the German Foreign Ministry before ARNOLD arrived at Baden Baden. These were PAZ, the Vice Consul at Hamburg, and Miguel CERRO CEBRIÁN, the Charge d’Affaires. PAZ had fought as a volunteer in the German army during World War I and had lost an arm in combat. CERRO CEBRIÁN: ARNOLD later contacted in Madrid, and used him occasionally as one of his sources for political intelligence. The prisoner said he suspected that near the end of the war CERRO CEBRIÁN attempted to collaborate with the United States Embassy in Madrid. :

      Having failed to enlist a single South American who was willing actively to work with the SD once he returned to his own country, the prisoner spent his time attending to the personal wants of the internees and trying thus to build up at least, some good will towards Germany. He often accompanied them to the gaming tables at the Baden Baden casino, and recalled that he had once taken the Bolivian Charge d’affaires and the Bolivian Consul out through the hotel kitchen as a sort of lark to avoid the Gestapo check. These last two often went out with ARNOLD, but he could not recall their names. The prisoner was asked if the Abwehr had gained any collaborators among the diplomats, and replied that all he knew in that connection was that he once saw an ARNOLD agent approaching SCHAUM, the Gestapo security man at the hotel, with a request to interview several of the Brazilian guests. ARNOLD did not know whether this individual had any success with the Brazilians or not.

      In May I942 the diplomatic exchange was effected and ARNOLD accompanied the Brazilian group to Biarritz, going with the Germans back to Berlin. At about the same time the Bad Nauheim group, consisting of diplomats from the United States, Mexico, and the Central American countries, was also exchanged. ARNOLD ’s colleague in Amt VI, John Walter BOEHLE was entrusted in Bad Nauheim with a mission similar to the prisoner’s in Baden Baden, but met with similarly negligible success.

VI. Assignment in Spain

Establishment of the Courier Service

      As previously mentioned, the work of the SD agents in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Paraguay was being largely wasted in 1942 through the inadequacy of communications. The Italian airline L.A.T.I. had been forced to cease operating out of Rio de Janeiro shortly after Pearl Harbor, and reports forwarded in a makeshift manner through Spanish crew members were often lost or delivered indiscriminately to German consulates which did not know what to do with them. Sturmbannfuehrer DAUFELDT, then head of Amt VI-D, decided finally to send ARNOLD to Spain to systematize a regular clandestine courier service between Madrid and Buenos Aires. He was named special representative of Amt VI-D for Spain: he had no connection with Amt VI-B, the regular desk which handled affairs for the Iberian peninsula, although he was naturally permitted to use the latter’s facilities for communicating with Berlin.

      The prisoner arrived in Madrid in early September, 1942. Shortly after his arrival he obtained camouflage employment with the Compañía General de Lanas, one of the subsidiaries of Sofindus, where he earned a nominal salary of 500 Pesetas a month. He drew this money every payday, but immediately put it back in the cash box. ARNOLD was not under obligation to do any work for the wool company, but occasionally when the firm was especially busy he helped out in minor ways. For the rest, he made use of the company’s office space and devoted himself to learning all he could about Spain and to organizing his courier service.

      Siegfried BECKER had been in Spain since March 1942, waiting for an oportunity to get back to South America, so shortly after his arrival ARNOLD contacted BECKER and they started working out a communications system. From the very beginning it was recognized by the two that the actual recruitment of the couriers would be more feasible at the Buenos Aires end: in Argentina practically all the ships left from the capital port, whereas in Spain there were many ports throughout the country and it would be very difficult for ARNOLD, based of necessity in the capital, adequately to cover all the necessary ground.

      BECKER finally got away from Spain in December 1942 as a stowaway aboard the SS Rita Garcia, through his friendship with the then first officer (later captain), Marcelino DIAZ CAMUS. Arriving in Buenos Aires in January 1943, the SD agent immediately set about getting recruits and obtained the intermediary services of two Spaniard’s, Esteban AMORÍN and Manolo de MIGUEL ARRASTIA, to go among the Spanish crews and enlist couriers. The service was quicKly set up, the first correspondence arriving in Madrid no later than the early days of March 1943.

      At the Madrid end ARNOLD ’s system worked in the following manner:

       Berlin sent the regular mail for VI-B4 to Heinz SINGER, in the Office of the Police Attache, In it there would be a smaller envelope marked «For JOSE» (one of BECKER’s cover-names). SINGER then telephoned the prisoner, who picked the material up. ARNOLD did not open the correspondence, but kept it in a special drawer until the next courier should come to his office, in the meanwhile letting it be known through his organization.(see below) that he had something ready to go. When a courier appeared at his office, he repouched and sealed with sealing-wax whatever material had accumulated and gave it to the sailor, immediately advising Berlin by telegraph so that the home office might cable BECKER that correspondence was on its way. Both ARNOLD and BECKER were also very punctilious about promptly acknowledging receipt of any mail.

      When the ship arrived in Buenos Aires, AMORÍN or MIGUEL, and possibly others of the group, went aboard and contacted the seaman with some variation of the cuestión: «Has traído algo de allá?» («Have you brought something from over there?»). This was preceded with the countersign «Saludos de José«, or «Saludos de Pepe» (both cover-names of BECKER).. When ARNOLD ’s men went to pick up mail coming the other way they would say: «Saludos de Carlos«, or «Saludos del Gordo» (both meaning ARNOLD): in general, however, the couriers coming in from Argentina went themselves to the prisoner’s office in Madrid.

      Outgoing couriers had two addresses where they might go in Buenos Aires in the event that they were not met at the boat. The first of these was Padre Luis FERNÁNDEZ, Iglesia Carlos Pellegrini no. 1, Buenos Aires. «The second address was Boker & Cia. in Calle Moreno -the prisoner did not recall the exact street number. ARNOLD could not explain just what was meant by «Iglesia Carlos Pellegrini no, 1» -the address in question was not a proper address at all—but he did know that Padre FERNÁNDEZ church was the place where the priest could be contacted. Both addresses were furnished by BECKER after he had arrived and set up the Buenos Aires end of the system.

      The prisoner was asked if Nicolás QUINTANA was a member of the group of AMORÍN and MIGUEL. He replied that he recalled the name from Buenos Aires days as that of a minor chief of the Falange, but that he had never hoard of any connection between QUINTANA and the courier group.

      In the latter part of 1943, when the ARNOLD-BECKER service was functioning at top efficiency, there were always from fifteen to eighteen Spanish seamen bringing and taking correspondence. Practically all of these wore recruited in Argentina, although a few were enlisted by ARNOLD’s assistants Jorge DEUMEL and Francisco GOICOECHEA (See below)

      In general the sailors were picked from members of the Falange and/or the former Blue Division. Few of them took money for their services, being anti-communist fanatics : some, however, received an occasional 1,000 peseta bonus from ARNOLD when they delivered material to his office(Cf. the interrogation of Hedwig SOMMER, Amt VI-D employee, who said: «… an impressive number of Spanish crew members- for the courier system, which was all the more remarkable for the fact that few of them were paid for their efforts…»). There was a constant turn-over in personnel, as the seamen often transferred to other ships to get better money and were continuously changing their routes;the ships, too, were often rerouted from one port of call to another.

      The greatest difficulty in recruiting the seamen was in overcoming their fear of being taken prisoner by the British at Trinidad or Gibraltar, or at least of losing their jobs. Several of those who were discovered and prohibited further sailing on the high seas by the British navicert authorities were later employed by the prisoner as part of his local organization in Spain. One courier who was picked up in Gibraltar, and his correspondence confiscated, had in his possession several letters with ARNOLD’s name and address on them: this man’s comrades circulated the rumor that he had been hanged by the British, but the prisoner was never able to confirm this.

      In February 1944, when Argentina undertook a big spy roundup following its breach in relations with Germany, AMORÍN, MIGUEL and others were arrested along with the gang of Wilhelm SEIDLITZ and Hans SCHUERER STOLLE. This dealt the courier system a blow from which it never recovered, although it was still possible to get an occasional envelope through.

      Principally the crew members brought the regular intelligence reports from BECKER’s organization, but they also carried newspapers magazines and commercial newsletters. ARNOLD affirmed that he himself never sent or received contraband, but he admitted that sections of the Abwehr were occasionally allowed to use his seamen for that purpose. He was not aware of the nature of the contraband, but knew that Embassy was very much interested in obtaining crystallized insulin from Argentina. Asked about shark’s liver extract (for night fighters’ vision), the prisoner replied that he had heard of some such contraband which had been brought in tins, but did not really know what it was. He knew nothing about the smuggling of industrial diamonds. The interested Abwehr branch the prisoner believed to have been the commercial section -in any case it had offices on the top floor of the Embassy building, as ARNOLD occasionally got its courier mail by mistake, and vice versa.

      In reply to a query as to the identity of his couriers the prisoner pointed out that considerable time had passed since the organization was broken up in 1944; he did, however, remember the following:

Marcelino DÍAZ CAMUS, of the Rita García: enabled BECKER to stowaway in December 1942; about a year later he took a radio transmitter to Buenos Aires for ARNOLD, as well as a cypher-machine. This last was one of the Enigma machines nicknamed Lilli, which the prisoner believed was short for Lilliput. ARNOLD himself took the two machines to Santander in his automobile; and their receipt was later acknowledged by BECKER.

José Luis DÍAZ, also of the Rita García: later worked for ARNOLD in Spain.

ROBERTSON, of the Cabo de Buena Esperanza.

Francisco GARCÍA: ship unrecalled.

Juan BEASCOECHEA: ARNOLD did not recall his ship, but knew that the British later forbade BEASCOECHEA from sailing.He worked for nothing.

Francisco GOICOECHEA: Ship unrecalled, also, later blacklisted by the British and worked for the prisoner in Spain.

José ARZAC: ARNOLD recalled only the name of this person.

ARNOLD ’s Operational Organization

      Although whenever possible the prisoner had his couriers cell at his office in Madrid, this was not always possible because of distances and sudden changes in sailing schedule’s. ARNOLD therefore enlisted the aid of several helpers to represent him in the Spanish port’s and to travel around when necessary.

      The principal of these was Jorge DEMMEL, to whom passing reference has been made above. DEMMEL was a German of some 52-53 years of age, proprietor of the Bar Germania in Bilbao. He was married to a Spanish woman, by whom he had a daughter, and had been some 20 years in Spain and participated in the campaign against ABD EL KRIM: ARNOLD believed he was a naturalized Spaniard.

      DEMMEL was a heavy drinker and gambler, and spent much time chasing after women, but he was a good worker and very useful to the courier service. In Bilbao he received the correspondence from Buenos Aires and occasionally recruited seamen for the organization. Occasionally, on ARNOLD ’s orders, he visited other Spanish ports to pick up and/or deliver correspondence, when it was impossible for the courier to come to the office at Madrid.

      In 1944 DEMMEL sold the Bar Germania and moved to a small town some seven or eight miles from Madrid – ARNOLD could not recall its name. The buyers of his bar, however, failed to meet their obligations and DEMMEL lost all his money, becoming involved in all kinds of difficulties. He continued for a while doing odd jobs for ARNOLD but subsequently the prisoner lost touch with him. During the Bilbao days DEMMEL had not accepted a salary, being paid only his expenses when he took out-of-town trips: later, when he was in financial trouble in Madrid, ARNOLD occasionally paid him small sums to help him out, over and above his regular traveling accounts.

      Once DEMMEL had quit, the prisoner depended largely on Francisco GOICOECHEA, a former courier who had been blacklisted by the navicert authorities, to act as his traveling representative. GOICOECHEA worked for ARNOLD until the end of the war for a monthly salary of 2,000 Pesetas. The prisoner had no idea what subsequently became of him, knowing only he did not live in Madrid.

      Another collaborator who had formerly been a courier was José Luis DÍAZ. At the beginning of 1944 Amt VI was worrying about a possible breach in relations between Germany and Spain, and decided that ARNOLD should have his own clandestine transmitter, to assure one channel of communication. There was also recurrent talk of setting up a station in Spain to intercept the South American traffic from BECKER, since Berlin was poorly placed atmospherically for the transmissions from Argentina; this latter project, however, never passed beyond the discussion stage. In any case, ARNOLD was sent a 40-watt transmitter from Berlin.

      In early 1944 he sent DÍAZ to Germany to learn to be a radio operator. The Spaniard took a course of from four to six months, after which he returned to Madrid with ą small transmitter of his own and began sending at ARNOLD’s orders. He sent .ARNOLD’s regular coded operational messages, instead of the Police Attache’s office, but aside from that the new arrangement had little practical, value, as shortly after the equipment had been installed and contact with Berlin established, the war ended. DÍAZ, whose salary was 2,500 Pesetas a month, received six months pay from the prisoner when the latter liquidated his office and sold the transmitter for 1,500 Pesetas to a member of the Spanish intelligence service; ARNOLD did not know to whom. The prisoner characterized DÍAZ as very lazy and not a serious worker. He apparently still lives in Madrid—ARNOLD saw him quite often in the company of Karl HERTEL.

      Rounding out the prisoner’s regular «office force» was Joaquín LÓPEZ a former employee of the Falange in Bilbao who had been introduced to ARNOLD by Jorge DEMMEL, LÓPEZ helped copy reports and did odd jobs, such as obtain­ing false papers for Germans and others (see below). He also received 2,500 Pesetas a month from ARNOLD, and worked till the end of the war. The prisoner understood LÓPEZ to be still in Madrid.

      ARNOLD ’s immediate operational organization, then, comprised the following:


Jorge DEMMEL ………. Expenses and, later, bonuses.

José Luis DÍAZ ……….. 2,500 ptas.

Joaquín LÓPEZ ………. 2,500 ptas.

Fco. GOICOECHEA …. 2,000 ptas.

       The money for the regular salaries was sent to Spain every month by the R.S.H.A. from Berlin. ARNOLD never had a female’ secretary – LÓPEZ was the closest he had to stenographic help.

      The prisoner himself received a salary in the Reich of 460 marks, raised automatically after two years to 500. Most of this he allotted to his wife in Leonberg. In Spain he received a flat sum of 1,000 marks, or 4,200 Pesetas, for living expenses. Further operational costs, such as extraordinary sums expended on agents and/or collaborators, entertainment of possibly useful neutrals, special trips, et cetera, he collected from Berlin after presenting an itemized account at the end of each month. ARNOLD said that he did not bother to put down the small items -the many drinks and meals he had to buy for various people, et cetera- but only itemized the solid extra expenditures. His regular living allowance was paid:him for six months at a time -he was the only agent in Spain so paid, as far as he was aware.

Relations with the Office of the Police Attache and Karla BANDT

      As mentioned above ARNOLD made regular use of the office of Heinz SINGER, the representative of Amt VI-B4 in Madrid, to send and receive his telegrams and correspondence to and from Berlin. Although he often went to SINGER’s office and got to know most of the employees personally, however, the prisoner was in no way officially connected with the Office of the Police Attache. Only when he needed a passport or a visa did he take advantage of the Attache’s facilities in the regular way of business.

       Through his regular trips to the Consulate ARNOLD met SINGER ’s secretary, Karla BANDT. Often, when he was too busy to go to the Consulate, Miss BANDT brought correspondence to his office or met him at a nearby bar. Before long the acquaintance developed into friendship, and from there to love. When the prisoner was being held in jail in 1945 Miss BANDT visited him daily, and when he was to be freed she was signatory to his bail bond. In ARNOLD ’s opinion these two factors were responsible for Karla BANDT’s having been included in the list of persons whose expulsion was demanded by the Allies. She was repatriated in the same air shipment as the prisoner.

      Aside from his casual personal contact with the others, however, ARNOLD was not considered part of the Police Attachee’s office. He was never invited to the staff get-togethers occasionally staged by WINZER and HAMMES, and was only asked to dinner by Heinz SINGER twice during the four years he was in Madrid. ARNOLD had only a nodding acquaintance with HAMMES, WINZER, VEY, KOENNECKE, SCHMIDT, and the stenographic staff other than Karla BANDT.

VII. Relations with other AMT VI agents

      The foregoing section was devoted to ARNOLD ’s subordinates and associates in the actual performance of his established duties. Another of the prisoner’s principal functions was that of acting as paymaster, communications-channel and guide to a number of individuals sent to Spain from Amt VI the relation­ship is perhaps best described by the German word betreuen, meaning «to service». In most cases ARNOLD was not responsible for the information gathered by these agents, who were only operationally attached to him. Often, however, he felt obliged to warn Berlin regarding the unreliability of the material which many of them were forwarding through him.

Karl HERTEL (Cover-name BIMBO)

      Karl HERTEL arrived in Madrid during the summer of 1944. According to his own statements he had been in Central America for some time, and had been repatriated with the exchange of 1942. He had had representations for several German firms there – ARNOLD knew that he sold coffee to Germany, and recalled HERTEL’s having mentioned make of German automobile for which he had been agent. HERTEL once boasted of the number of high-ranking public officials to whom he had sold cars.

      In Berlin HERTEL had somehow got into Amt VI and worked there for a while: his job was to make contact with German diplomats and others who had returned from countries with which Germany had broken relations, seeking personnel and/or information which might be of use to the SD. The prisoner recalled that in Amt VI HERTEL was nicknamed the Sklavenhaendler (slave-dealer). At one time in the past he had lived and worked in Spain, and he finally managed to get the R.S.H.A. to send him to Madrid. HERTEL’s selling argument was that with his influential Spanish contacts he would soon become established and would not be an expense to the Amt; these same contacts would then be valuable sources for political reporting.

      As soon as HERTEL arrived in Madrid he got in touch with Mme. Gertrud ROGGEWEHN (see below), whom ARNOLD believed he had known in either Berlin or Paris. The two slept in the same house the very first night HERTEL arrived and from that time until the prisoner lost track of them they lived together. HERTEL’s promise of making himself economically self-sufficient was completely without basis. He did work out several minor swindling schemes for making money on the side, but he continued to depend on SD money for his subsistence. His expenses ranged .from 1,000 to 1,500 Pesetas a month. To ARNOLD’s knowledge HERTEL never used the Karl Hamburg Tropical Fruit Company as a cover, as alleged by one source.

      One of HERTEL ’s money-making dodges was to take advantage of a German in Barcelona –ARNOLD could not recall his name- who had been called up for military service and wished to avoid going. HERTEL promised this German that if he would pay him a monthly sum he, HERTEL, would arrange to have the German listed as a collaborator in the intelligence service. The German paid the money, and somehow HERTEL fixed, it –ARNOLD did not see his correspondence on the subject, so did not know how it was done. In any event the German gave HERTEL a quantity of politico-military information of very little real value.

      HERTEL did succeed in infiltrating the English Club in Madrid.There was a Jew who rented apartments to members of the British and American Embassies, and HERTEL struck up a friendship with him. Both HERTEL and the Jew spoke good English, and HERTEL got his friend to introduce him at the Club as a Central American –ARNOLD believed that the name he used was Mr. BRABANT (later amplified to the Count or Duke of BRABANT). The prisoner did not recall the name of HERTEL’s friend and sponsor, but said that he would be easy to identify as he was murdered by a Spaniard shortly before the end of the war, the crime exciting considerable comment in the press. Following the Jew’s murder HERTEL took over the apartment-lotting business and collected the commissions.

      In spite of his connections with British and American circles, however, HERTEL did not know how to take advantage of his situation for political intelligence purposes. When ARNOLD submitted HERTEL a monthly expense account to Berlin, the Amt invariably intimated that it hoped some tangible results would soon be forthcoming from his work. Before long Berlin began blaming ARNOLD for HERTEL’s failings, and this was too much for the prisoner. He wrote back ą sharp, letter and pointed out that if the R.S.H.A. were going to continue sending out incompetents and rascals, it would continue getting incompetent results.

      When the war ended and ARNOLD was liquidating his organization he asked HERTEL to call at his office, as he wanted to give him some money as a reserve for the coming months. HERTEL did not appear, even after several communica­tions had reached him. ARNOLD therefore reasoned that if HERTEL was unwilling to come and collect money it must he because he was afraid to face him; and if HERTEL were afraid to face ARNOLD it must be because he had sold out to the Allies. The prisoner therefore let HERTEL know that he considered him a traitor, and that he need look to ARNOLD for no further help. Nevertheless, at the end of 1945, he received a threatening letter from his erstwhile associate, demanding 10,000 Pesetas.The note was worded more or less as follows: «You still have a lot of that money and I need 10,000 Pesetas. I hope for your own good that you will give it to me». ARNOLD tore up the letter and threw it in the waste-basket.

      ARNOLD later heard that HERTEL was living with Mme. ROGGEWEHN in Madrid and passing himself as the Count (or Duke, or Marquis) of BRABANT, but he never knew his address. The prisoner rather thought that BRABANT may have originally been the name of HERTEL’s mother.

A description follows:

      Age: About 35-37 Height:5 ft., 8-9 in. Weight: At least 220 lbs. Hair: Black. Eyes: Dark. Nose: Flat. Lips:Thick. Face: Round. Skin: Very white and pale. Build: Extremely fat. Appearance: Never seems well shaved or washed. Nationality: German. Languages: Excellent English and Spanish, probably others besides, of course, German.

Gertrud ROGGEWEHN (Cover-name TANJA)

      Mme. ROGGEWEHN’s activities were the object of especial interest on the part of the American Embassy at Madrid, wherefore an affidavit regarding her espionage connections was obtained from ARNOLD at the outset of the present interrogation and forwarded to Spain. (Berlin despatch no. 7476, October 21), In the interests of completeness a precis of the affidavit’s contents is included here:

      Gertrud ROGGENWEHN had been married to a Dutch citizen, but had separated from him before the war. She was living in Paris when the Germans marched in, and assumed contact with the SD there. SS-Sturmbannfuehrer and Kriminaldirector SCHMlTZ sent her to Spain to work as an agent, forwarding several thousand Pesetas to ARNOLD to give to her and asking him to stand by her with counsel and aid. Mme. ROGGEWEHN arrived in Madrid in early 1944; during the first months she made several trips to Berlin and Paris, establishing the business which was to serve as her cover.

      This was to be a beauty salon, Mme ROGGEWEHN also had the Spanish representation rights of the French perfumery Worth, and planned to start manufacturing Worth products in Spain. She succeeded in bringing into the country several cases of perfume essence, as well as her Citroen car, but the invasion of France put a stop to her importations and she had to give up both the perfume enterprise and the beauty salon. Her connection in Worth was with a certain M. BLAMCHET (or a similar name), Mme ROGGEWEHN had worked with him before the war and ARNOLD believed that the SD had nothing to do with her obtaining the Worth representation; in fact, it appeared more likely that her possession of the already established connection was what enabled Mme ROGGEWEHN to induce SCHMITZ to employ her.

      When Karl HERTEL arrived in Spain, he and Mme ROGGEWEHN rented a house together at an address in General Mola, whereupon ARNOLD passed the handling of her to HERTEL and advised Berlin to that effect. Before HERTEL arrived Mme ROGGEWEHN had lived for a time with her sister, who was married to a German physician named SCHRADER. As the prisoner later heard it, Mme. ROGGEWEHN’s subsequent relations with HERTEL put a considerable strain on her ties with her sister and brother-in-law.

      Mme, ROGGEWEHN had a valid German passport, in the name of TUTTHAS or something similar, and used this document for her travels to Berlin and Paris. She also had an expired Dutch passport in her own name and tried to get it revalidated at the Dutch Consulate in Madrid before the end of the war –ARNOLD did not know what luck she had.

      Mme ROGGEWEHN must have had countless acquaintances among the Germans living in Madrid, the prisoner said, but he did not know who they were. He believed that she was also at one time in touch with Ernst ALISCH, of the SD Paris. She had contact as well with a Bulgarian ex-diplomat and with numerous ladies of the Spanish aristocracy with whom she played weekly bridge. ARNOLD, however, was not informed regarding the identity of her circle of acquaintances, nor did he know whether Mme ROGGEWEHN and Karl HERTEL continued living together after the war.

Alejandro MINK (Cover-name ZANGE)

      MINK was born in Argentina of German parents, and was taken to Germany at an early age to be schooled and brought up. His mother, who had been abandoned by MINK ’s father and had divorced him, lived in Germany. Alejandro finished his medical studies, then made contact with the SD. Since he was of Argentine nationality Amt VI thought he could be used as an agent in Spain, and sent him to ARNOLD for training: the prisoner recalled that this was shortly before Argentina broke relations with Germany (January 25, 1944), because MINK arrived on a valid Argentine passport. MINK, however, did not speak a word of Spanish and had to spend all his time studying that language. About his only concrete accomplishment in Madrid aside from studying was to put his Argentine papers in perfect order, he never produced anything in the line of intelligence: on the contrary, ARNOLD said, MINK caused him a lot of trouble and expense which could easily have been avoided. After the war ended the Argentine broke off all contact with the prisoner, who never saw him again, MINK may have gone back to Argentina, ARNOLD said -that may have been why he was so anxious to get his papers in order. 

      During the period of his «activity» MINK received from Amt VI, through ARNOLD, a monthly sum for expenses which varied between 1,000 and 1,500 Pesetas. He also received 1,500 Pesetas from his mother, who paid in the equivalent amount in marks in Berlin.

      MINK was described as follows:

      Age: 22-23 years. Height: 5 ft.,10-11 in. Weight: 150 lbs. Hair: Dark brown. Eyes: Blue. Skin: Palid, sickly. Nose: Straight, regular. Lips: Normal, not thick. Face: Elongated. Build: Thin. Appearance: Tubercular (which he is)

     Nationality: Argentine Languages: School English and French.

      Last heard of: MINK went to San Sebastián for his health when he parted from ARNOLD.


       When the head of Amt VI, Theodor PAEFFGEN, came to Spain in 1943 he told ARNOLD of a certain Dr. Gerd BUNGARD, then in Paris, who had been his, PAEFFGEN’s, classmate in law school. Soon after that BUNGARD himself arrived from Paris, and simultaneously an envelope came from PAEFFGEN containing 15,000 Pesetas for his first three months’ salary as an agent of Amt VI. BUNGARD was supposed to have a very close connection with the fabulous French «big operator», CHATIN, and was to use ARNOLD as a channel for his reports to Berlin. When BUNGARD’s first political report came in, however, ARNOLD read it and found it to be the worst type of meretricious twaddle: consequently he called the new agent in and said he was willing to send that one report, but that it would be the last he would send unless BUNGARD could unearth some trustworthy intelligence. BUNGARD never again came to ARNOLD’s office -the prisoner believed, however, that he subsequently sent material through Heinz SINGER.

      BUNGARD had brought to Spain with him certain German patents, on which he was supposed to be able to live: the first three months’ salary was merely to enable him to get under way.

      The prisoner understood that in France he had been a German lawyer defending Frenchmen accused of resistance activities and had taken advantage of what he learned thereby to sell his clients and their associ­ates out to the Abwehr, in whose pay he was. Before ARNOLD got rid of BUNGARD the latter was continually thinking up grandiose but unworkable intelligence schemes, and he boasted incessantly of his friend CHATIN’s connections among the Allies and the Spaniards.

      ARNOLD knew nothing of BUNGARD’s having acted as a go-between for CHATIN in offering some sixty million French francs on the black market, as alleged by Martin MEYWALD.


      PESCOLLER was an Austrian who came to Madrid at the end of 1943 or the beginning of 1944, looking up ARNOLD shortly after his arrival, he said he was under orders to get to Brazil clandestinely -he claimed a large circle of connections among important personages there, including Foreign Minister ARANHA, and was to set up a transmitter and send in political intelligence. PESCOLLER, a man of 46-48 years of age, had traveled widely in both North and South America in his youth and had published adventure novels, under the pen-name of Tex HARDING. He spoke quite passable English, ARNOLD said. He claimed to possess several false passports, but the prisoner did not know in what names these were made out.

      PESCOLLER ’s arrival surprised ARNOLD very much since he knew something of his past and was aware that the Austrian had made a miserable botch of a mission to Italy several years before for Amt VI-B; this was something connected with merchant shipping, and had cost the R.S.H.A. a lot of money without producing any results. For the present assignment PESCOLLER had been employed directly by Amt VI-F, which had apparently sent him out without bothering to look up the voluminous and unfavorable dossier which ARNOLD knew had been filed by Sturmbannfuehrer HOSSNER and since the latter had been sent to the front and there had been an almost complete turnover in personnel, PESCOLLER ’s name had escaped notice. (The prisoner was asked what right Amt VI-F, which was the department for technical adjuncts, had to send its own political-reporting agent into the field. It had no right, he replied, and had consulted no one.)

      ARNOLD sent in a sharp letter to Amt VI-D protesting PESCOLLER ’s presence in Madrid. Then, in January 1944, when he himself went back to Berlin on consultation he took advantage of the opportunity to call on the chief of VI-F and make him realize the enormity of what he had done. This individual became extremely worried and begged ARNOLD to induce PESCOLLER to return to Germany before he involved VI-F in trouble, but the prisoner refused flatly, saying that he had too much work to waste time rectifying the stupidities committed by another department.

      ARNOLD saw the Austrian no more then two or three times in Madrid, he said, as PESCOLLER did not communicate through him but through Heinz SINGER. The prisoner knew, however, that PESCOLLER was ordered back to Berlin and refused to go, selling the jewels entrusted him and living upon the proceeds. Kurt GROSS interfered in the matter and ordered ARNOLD to track down PESCOLLER and «do away with him», but this was a typical Grosería and the prisoner paid no attention to the order: only if SCHELLENBERG himself had made such a demand would he have even considered taking any action.

      ARNOLD did, however, keep track of PESCOLLER ’s movements. For a time the Austrian lived in Vigo, with an artiste of the Scala theatrical company: she was the girl who held the number-placards for the vaudeville acts. Although he had a wife and children in Germany, PESCOLLER went through a «legal» Spanish marriage ceremony with this girl. ARNOLD also learned that the Austrian was passing himself as a duke or count in various Spanish cities, one of which was Barcelona, using a different name each time.

      PESCOLLER was included in the Allies’ wanted list, and eventually got interned at Caldas de Malavella, but he managed to escape from there and the prisoner believed he was still in Spain or Portugal. Unless PESCOLLER has a new swindle, ARNOLD said, his resources must have become exhausted.

      The follow­ing is PESCOLLER ’s description as remembered by ARNOLD:

      Age: 46-48 years Height: Almost 6 ft. Weight: 180 lbs. Hair: Almost bald, remainder dark. Eyes: Dark. Skin: Pale. Nose: Wide, strong. Face: Oval. Lips:Thick. Teeth: Bad Build: Robust Appearance: Dissipated. Nationality: Austrian. Languages: English, Spanish and Portuguese well (PESCOLLER was his real name -he also had a cover-name which ARNOLD did not recall.)

Countess Mechtild PODEWILS

      That Countess PODEWILS worked in Spain as a special agent of Walter SCHELLENBERG has already been confirmed by SCHELLENBERG himself (POLAD despatch no. 7118 of September 24, 1946). ARNOLD, however, was required to add what he could to his chief’s testimony in the way of supplementary information, since he dealt occasionally with the Countess in person.

      Countess Mechtild PODEWILS, said the prisoner, was German, between 30 and 34 years of age, tall and very pretty. She had been married in South America –ARNOLD believed it was Bolivia- and had two children. After her divorce some years ago her former husband took the boy with him to live in Portugal, while she went with the daughter to Spain. The prisoner knew that she was an intimate friend of SS-Gruppenfuehrer WOLF, whom she called by the diminutive term of «WOLFCHEN«, and it was this man who recommended that she be sent to Spain as an agent. ARNOLD did not know in what year she came to Madrid.

      Countess PODEWILS reported directly to SCHELLENBERG and it was the latter who gave her directives. On one of ARNOLD’s trips to Berlin the chief of Amt VI complained to him that she was spending more than her work was worth and asked ARNOLD to help her out a bit and give her some coaching in intelligence work. This the prisoner found rather difficult since the Countess received her instructions direct and delivered her reports in the same way, with the result that ARNOLD did not know what kind of work she was producing. During 1944 she visited him at his office every once in a while, but although he offered his help and advice he did not have much time to devote to coaching her. She was not at all apt at politics, ARNOLD discovered.

      The Countess had, nevertheless, excellent contacts. She was well connected in both aristocratic and official circles, and was a close friend of Miguel PRIMO de RIVERA and other members of the Government. But, as she her­self admitted to ARNOLD, she understood neither intelligence work nor politics and was unable to distinguish between important and unimportant material; nor was she able to work with any semblance of system. Notwithstanding this SCHELLENBERG paid her, the prisoner understood, 15,000 Pesetas a month, plus occasional bonuses for extraordinary expenditures.

      ARNOLD had never heard of the Countess HELLDORF or HELLWIG mentioned by Hedwig SOMMER in her interrogation. Since the description tallies in other respects, it may be assumed that the above individual was in reality the Countess PODEWILS.


      Another visitor at ARNOLD’s office was Hans ZIEGRA. ZIEGRA had been sent on a mission to Madrid from one of the Berlin bureaus -the prisoner believed his job was to unfreeze German assets in Brazil. He was certainly also in contact with Amt VIARNOLD believed he was collaborating ex officio with GROSS and PAEFFGEN. On one of the prisoner’s trips to Berlin ZIEGRA invited him and GROSS to his house, and there they met a certain SS-Gruppehfuehrer MUELLER. ZIEGRA appeared on intimate terms with this Nazi general.

      In Madrid ZIEGRA occasionally called at ARNOLD’s office, where he boasted loudly of his connections with members of the Brazilian Embassy at Madrid; he claimed an excellent contact with Ambassador ROCAS himself, and with the former first secretary Pablo SILVEYRA. Shortly before the war ended SILVEYRA told ARNOLD that ZIEGRA had tried to get from him a Brazilian passport, without success. The prisoner also recalled that ZIEGRA once gave him a report on the American presidential candidate DEWEY, whom ZIEGRA claimed to have known personally when he was in the United States. For the rest, the man was a windbag.

      Shortly before the end of the war ZIEGRA was called up for military service, and immediately went to ARNOLD to try to get out of it -he had no wish to die at the front, he said. When the prisoner told him he could do nothing, ZIEGRA broke off the acquaintanceship and stopped seeing ARNOLD. As he did not return to Germany, he was listed as a deserter. Whereupon to the prisoner’s knowledge he sought contact with the United States Embassy at Madrid.

      According to his own statements ZIEGRA had taken part in the «Aryanizing» of Jewish business houses in Germany, among which was the Arnold private bank in Berlin. ZIEGRA himself acquired two, or perhaps three, Berlin tailor shops which had been Jewish-owned. He also informed ARNOLD on one occasion that he had been the first Ortsgruppenleiter of the Nazi Party in Rio de Janeiro; but ZIEGRA told so many lies that the prisoner did not know whether this was true.

Arthur GEBAUER (Cover-name Arthur GOLD)

      For many months ARNOLD knew this individual only as Arthur GOLD. He was introduced to him in Amt VI by Dr. PAEFFGEN during the 1944 trip to Berlin. GEBAUER, as his real name was, was to get a job as seaman on any ship bound for England or the United States, and in Berlin he boasted that from Spain that would be very easy for him. When GEBAUER did arrive in Spain he immediately called on ARNOLD to collect the money which had been sent him from Berlin for his mission –ARNOLD did not know how much the envelope contained- and to ask for help in getting aboard a ship. Since ARNOLD’s ships went only to South America he suggested that GEBAUER take one of those and try to enter the United States by land, but the man was a bluff and a coward, and refused the chance. The prisoner interposed that GEBAUER was not only cowardly but also stupid, and that if he ever had got to Great Britain or North America he would not have dared do anything.

      The prisoner never heard GEBAUER make any mention of having formerly worked for the Abwehr in Las Palmas. (Note: there was an Arthur GEBAUER listed as an Abwehr radio, operator there in 1943.) He did, however, make frequent trips around Spain, principally in the vicinity of Barcelona, and went several times to Portugal. GEBAUER once told ARNOLD that he had worked for the French frontier service, and the prisoner gathered from other odd bits of conversation that on his trips around Spain he was mixed in some business with the SD frontier personnel -probably smuggling coffee. ARNOLD was fairly certain that GEBAUER «traveled black» on the occasions when he entered Portugal.

     GEBAUER never passed any reports through ARNOLD, written or verbal, and the prisoner saw him only when he was in need of funds. There was no regular monthly expense allotment for this agent since he was supposedly in transit and supposed to get off as soon as possible. In the first months after his arrival, however, GEBAUER often came to ARNOLD and asked for money: the prisoner gave him sometimes 1,000 or 1,500 Pesetas, and on one occasion, 2,000, which sums he entered in his monthly reckoning and collected from Berlin. In the closiig months of the war GEBAUER was still hanging around and still coming to ARNOLD and during this period the prisoner gave him occasional smaller amounts, 500 or 1,000 Pesetas, out of his own pocket.

      ARNOLD described GEBAUER as a man of from 40 to 43 years of age; about5 ft. 9 in. in height; thin, with dark hair and dark eyes, and a straight nose. He dressed in clean clothes, but looked like a ship’s fireman or engineer.

Pablo SILVEYRA (Cover-name also GOLD)

      As stated in the introduction to the present section, the foregoing indivi­duals were not in reality «ARNOLD s agents» but rather a series of more than semi-independent workers whom he served in the capacity of paymaster and adviser. All in all they were a sorry lot; the prisoner did not consider one of them really worth his salt. ARNOLD did, however, have two paid agents of his own, who served him fairly efficiently in the field of political intelligence. These were Pablo SILVEYRA and Tomas SAMPER (see the following subsection, for the latter).

      When ARNOLD first established contact with SILVEYRA he was First Secretary of the Brazilian Embassy at Madrid. Later he was retired for old age, having reached 60, but he did not wish to return to Brazil because he was estranged from his wife and she was living in that country. The prisoner felt that if it had not been for that factor, SILVEYRA would have gone back long before to devote himself to newspaper work; he was an excellent journalist.

     SILVEYRA was very intelligent and well informed. He was not ideologically a fascist, but disapproved violently of the Brazilian Foreign minister ARANHA and his rupturist policy. ARNOLD used him to good effect for reports on Spanish politics, as well as for obtaining information as to what was going on in the Brazilian Embassy. SILVEYRA frequently brought the prisoner informa­tion which he affirmed came from telegrams despatched by the Ambassador to the Itamaraty Palace, but he never furnished actual copies of either telegrams or letters] at times. ARNOLD suspected that the Brazilian was running short of material and brought such reports as fillers. The prisoner also had the feeling that the Ambassador did not trust his first secretary, and gave him little opportunity to get hold of actual copies of his messages –SILVEYRA’s reports were verbal reconstructions of these.

      At the outset of the relationship SILVEYRA worked gratis, after which he was paid a salary for a short while; ARNOLD then began paying him for piece work at about 1,000 Pesetas a time, amounting to from 3,000 to 5,000 Pesetas a month. Later the prisoner again put SILVEYRA on a fixed monthly salary basis, at 5,000 Pesetas.


      ARNOLD’s chief source of information on purely Spanish politics was Tomás SAMPER, an old-time Falangista who had multifarious connections, in the various Spanish ministries and especially with the police of the Gobernación de Barce­lona . While SAMPER’s forte lay in Spanish political intelligence he also had some contact with the South American consulates in Madrid, as well as with the British, and often picked up such news as the effect of the V-bombs in England, et cetera. SAMPER operated through a network of contacts; but for reasons of security, and also probably because he feared ARNOLD might attempt to get into direct touch with his agents, he never told the prisoner who or what any of these were.

      SAMPER was also ARNOLD’s main source for obtaining the many publications the collection of which was one of the chief chores of German intelligence agents. These comprised magazines and other periodicals on technical, politi­cal, military and commercial subjects, not only from Spain but also from Great Britain and the United States. SAMPER got most of the publications sent to him from Barcelona, ARNOLD noticed.

      The prisoner paid SAMPER from 8,000 to 10,000 Pesetas a month, according to his rendition of expenses. SAMPER was a big fat man, ARNOLD interposed, but he covered a lot of ground and was a real operator.


      JELAMBI is not to be claused with SILVEYRA and SAMPER, but neither might he be included in the category of HERTEL, MINK and the others whom the prison serviced. He was a Venezuelan national who had been studying in Belgium and had refused repatriation in 1942 because he was not finished with his studies. When he finished his courses -they were in engineering ARNOLD thought- he found he could not get out of the country; accordingly, in order to leave Belgium, he had contacted the SD in Brussels and had offered his services as an agent once he arrived in his own country. The SD represent­ative, whose name the prisoner did not recall, sent JELAMBI to Berlin with an introduction and he was subsequently sent to Spain en route to Venezuela.

      JELAMBI reached Madrid in 1943 and established contact with ARNOLD. There the two arranged that the Venezuelan, who ARNOLD understood had taken a course in radio-telegraphy, would attempt when he got home to set up a trans­mitter and forward political information to Madrid. If he did not succeed in establishing radio contact he was at least to communicate through the seamen’s courier system and/or any available trustworthy traveler, letting ARNOLD know his whereabouts and situation.

      Once he had got off to Venezuela, however, neither ARNOLD nor Amt VI ever heard of JELAMBI again, so he was written off as one more «agent» who had played the SD for a free ride home. JELAMBI had money of his own, and never received any funds from the prisoner.

Relations with Armin SCHMIDT, Ana de POMBO and Martin MEYWALD

      The activities of SCHMIDT, de POMBO and MEYWALD touched ARNOLD’s sphere only incidentally, but he was asked to comment on them by way of supplementing the lengthy interrogation of MEYWALD (POLAD despatch no. 7148 of October 7, 1946).

      MEYWALD and SCHMIDT arrived in Madrid several months after the prisoner had got there in 1942, and paid him a call; at that time they were not certain whether they should remain in Spain or proceed to Portugal. ARNOLD had known MEYWALD during about two years in Berlin when they were both in Amt VI, and throughout their time in Madrid their relations remained on an informal friend­ly plane. MEYWALD did frequently give ARNOLD reports to forward to Amt VI, but he also handed a number of these directly to Karla BANDT in the Police Attache’s office; his correspondence from Berlin, too, came often in ARNOLD’s mail, but always in sealed envelopes, MEYWALD ran his own affairs: he was a Hauptsturmfuehrer, outranking the prisoner, and the exploitation of the de POMBOSCHMIDT connection was entirely in his hands.

      ARNOLD’s relations with SCHMIDT and Ana de POMBO were very casual, he entertained the former at his house with MEYWALD once or twice shortly after they arrived, and SCHMIDT invited him to the opening of the Ana de POMBO Dress Shop and to one of the artistic evenings at the house at Avenida del Generalisimo. It was on the latter occasion that Ana de POMBO told ARNOLD that she was a personal friend of Anthony EDEN, then British Foreign Minister, and that she had many contacts among the personnel of the British Embassy at Madrid; these last included the Military Attache, General TORR, and his secretary, Miss Joan CAMPBELL. Mme. de   POMBO told ARNOLD frankly that when she was employed at Paquin in Paris she had worked for the British Intelligence Service.

      ARNOLD was queried concerning the SD’s view of Ana de POMBO’s British connections. He replied that naturally the Amt took care in its dealings with her, but that it had been his personal conviction that she was so much in love with Armin SCHMIDT that as long as the latter remained reasonably faith­ful to her, she would continue to serve the interests of German intelligence. SCHMIDT, of course, was playing de POMBO for what he could get out of it. He had long white hair -his nickname was «el tío melenas«- and he was slightly hunch-backed: it was hard to see wherein his sex appeal lay, ARNOLD said, but SCHMIDT certainly had it. Ana de POMBO also told the prisoner that she had once been engaged to Jose Antonio PRIMO de RIVERA, and that the Republicans had killed a fourteen-year old son of hers. During the time ARNOLD knew her she was always the mistress of SCHMIDT.

      Regarding SCHMIDT ARNOLD only knew what MEYWALD told him. He had long been a forger of both signatures and art works, and had served several prison sentences therefor. In Madrid he displayed great talent for getting to know the right people, but he was absolutely incapable of any serious work, or of turning his contracts to advantage for intelligence purposes. The prisoner did not know any of the details of the dress shop’s failure, but heard that SCHMIDT had robbed the business of large sums of money. He was sought by the Spanish police in 1944, but escaped abroad with Ana de POMBO.

      Neither SCHMIDT nor de POMBO delivered any kind of reports to the prisoner, nor did they in any sense work under his orders. They did, however, come to ARNOLD in an effort to get his help in ridding them of MEYWALD, who they said was spring on them and, moreover, did not know how to behave in the plane of society in which they had to move. ARNOLD refused to become involved in the quarrel. When Dr. PAEFFGEN came to Madrid and stayed in his house, the prisoner learned that they had come to him with the same tales.

Sectional Summary

      To recapitulate, the various agents discussed above were known by ARNOLD to have received the following general remuneration from Amt VI:

HERTEL……………1,000-1,500 ptas. monthly

MINK. . ……………..1,000-1,500 ptas. monthly

SILVEYRA ………… 3,000-5,000 ptas. monthly

SAMPER …………… 8,000-10,000 ptas. monthly

BUNGARD ……… 15,000 ptas. lump sum

ROGGEWEHN ….. 2,000-3,000 ptas. lump sum

GEBAUER………. 1,000-2,000 ptas. occasionally

PODEWILS ……. 15,000 ptas. monthly plus bonuses, paid by SCHELLENBERG

PESCOLLER……Paid by Amt VI-F. Had diamonds.

ZIEGRA ………….. Unknown .

SCHMIDT and de POMBO …. Paid large sums by PAEFFGEN

JELAMBI ………. No payment

      As will have been observed, few of the above agents were considered of any use by the prisoner. Infact, the only two who produced were those he himself established locally in Madrid, SAMPER and SILVEYRA. Most of ARNOLD’s political reporting, however, was based on an entirely different set of connections: South American and Spanish persons in official or quasi-official capacities with whom the prisoner’s relations were purely social and with whom the matter of remuneration did not come into question. These people will be dealt with in the following section.

VIII. Associates in political intelligence

      ARNOLD’s field of interest in intelligence was twofold: first, the Spanish political scene; and second, developments in South America. In the latter connection he cultivated a number of Latin Americans in Madrid, keeping the relationships on a friendly basis and regularly discussing politico-military matters with them. For example, when General Edelmiro FARRELL became president of Argentina ARNOLD went to Captain Manuel MIRANDA, then in Madrid, and got an excellent evaluation of the new president’s character and political orientation to cable Berlin; MIRANDA had been FARRELL’S aide and knew him intimately, as indeed he knew most of the higher-ranking Argentine officers. In like manner, ARNOLD used the knowledge of SILVEYRA, who had been for many years a newspaperman in Rio de Janeiro, in judging the political personalities of those who came to prominence in Brazil.

The prisoner’s most dependable sources in the above respect were Captain MIRANDA, Dr. Juan Carlos GOYENECHE and Commander EDUARDO CEBALLOS, all three Argentines.. Be also had relations with a number of other Latin Americans, who will be discussed below.

Captain Manuel MIRANDA

      MIRANDA was a military commentator who broadcast pro-German military commentaries and published a newspaper column under the pen-name of CAPTAIN M. His trip to Germany had originally been paid by the German Embassy at Buenos Aires at the instigation of the then Press Attache, Gottfried SANDSTEDE. MIRANDA came to Madrid from Berlin some time in early 1944.and, as mentioned above, was very useful to ARNOLD as a source of authentic and accurate information concerning the Argentine militarists who were at that time playing a prominent role in the country’s politics. MIRANDA had a ruptured stomach from a fall in the mountains and was living on borrowed time. One day in mid-1944 he was taken violently ill, and an emergency operation performed; but it was to no avail, and MIRANDA died the next day.


      GOYENECHE had been in Madrid for some time before ARNOLD met him, but the prisoner first made contact with him on orders from Amt VI, after the Argentine returned in early 1943 from his trip to Germany and his interviews with HIMMLER and von RIBBENTROP. Although he was not an official representative of the Argentine Government, GOYENECHE enjoyed special privileges, through his high connections. From his base in Madrid, he visited Portugal, Italy France and Germany, interviewing prominent personalities. According to his own statements he was traveling to study the fascist systems and to work towards a better understanding between the European totalitarian countries and Argentina. He succeeded in obtaining interviews with FRANCO. MUSSOLINI, the Pope, LAVAL, RIBBENTROP, HIMMLER, and possibly, with SALAZAR-.

      ARNOLD characterized GOYENECHE as an idealist among nationalists, a fervent authoritarian and catholicist. He was descended from illustrious forebears: the prisoner understood that one grandfather had been President of Uruguay, while others had long played a prominent role in the Argentine politice scene. He had had an intimate connection with Adrián C. ESCOBAR when the latter was Argentine Ambassador to Madrid, and GOYENECHE later confided to ARNOLD that it was ESCOBAR who enabled him to travel in France and Germany. The prisoner believed that the Ambassador must have taken GOYENECHE with him on one of his periodical trips to Hendaye and/or Paris and introduced him to the SD heads in France; probably to SS-Standartenfuehrer Helmut KNOCHEN himself. KNOCHEN, who headed the SD in Paris, must then have arranged for GOYENECHES German trip. ARNOLD knew positively that it was through SCHELLENBERG that the Argentine’s interview with HIMMLER, at the latter’s headquarters on the eastern front, was arranged: as for the RIBBENTROP interview, the prisoner could not say who had fixed that.

      When ARNOLD met GOYENECHE it was just after he had returned from this trip, and the prisoner asked him how he had got along with HIMMLER. The Argen­tine replied that it had been very fine; the Reichsfuehrer-SS had shown common sense and comprehension, and had given him every opportunity to expound his ideas. RIBBENTROP, on the other hand, had left a bad taste in GOYENECHE’s mouth, ARNOLD averred; the Foreign Minister spent the whole half hour of the interview doing the talking himself, not allowing his guest to say more than a half-dozen sentences. According to the prisoner GOYENECHE was very close-mouthed about the subject matter of both conversations— even though in a way ARNOLD was HIMMLER’s own representative, the Argentine did not tell him what HIMMLER had said.

      In Buenos Aires GOYENECHE had been the director of, or one of the foremost collaborators in, a political magazine of rightist and catholicist ideas, and a leading member of the young group which revolved around that magazine. In Spain he spent much time giving lectures to students and young Falangistas; he lived in Madrid at the Residencia de Estudiantes and spent á very large part of his waking hours at mass or in the company of priests. The whole purpose of his trip to Germany, ARNOLD said, was to reconcile Hitlęrįsm with Catholicism.

      The prisoner did not believe that GOYENECHE was in direct contact with the Buenos Aires Government during the time he associated with him, although the Argentine did speak of friendship with Mario AMADEO, then an official of the Argentine Foreign Ministry. GOYENECHE seldom went to his Embassy, ARNOLD said, after his friend Ambassador ESCOBAR was transferred from Madrid. When it was intimated that GOYENECHE did, nevertheless, possess a diplomatic passport, the prisoner resisted the idea, claiming that what he had seen in the Argentine’s possession was the equivalent of the German «official mission» document (like the United States’ «Special Passport.»).

      GOYENECHE saw ARNOLD regularly in Madrid, and the prisoner believed that he associated regularly there with other Germans as well. ARNOLD’s relations with the Argentine were limited largely to friendly interviews at which politico-military matters formed the chief topic of conversation. As GOYENECHE had very good connections with a number of important personages in Spanish official circles, ARNOLD paid heed to his opinions on current problems and used him as a source for much of the political material he sent to Berlin. The prisoner never received.anything like a written report from GOYENECHE, however, nor did he ever give the Argentine either money or gifts. The only,favor ARNOLD was able to do for GOYENECHE was to lend him a camera for a few months at one time. GOYENECHE was never looked upon as an «agent» by the SD, but rather as a friend and sympathizer, which -indeed he was.

Commander Eduardo CEBALLOS

      CEBALLOS had been Argentine Naval Attache in Berlin for a number of years before he was transferred to Madrid. In Spain, he was in contact with the SD in the person of ARNOLD after Argentina had broken relations with the Reich in January 1944. It is well known that during his stay in Berlin CEBALLOS’ chief preoccupation was to obtain the release of the tanker Buenos Aires, bought by Argentina before the war, and held in Göteborg, Sweden, by the Germans’ refusal to allow it passage out. When he came to Madrid, CEBALLOS had written orders from the Argentine Ministry of Marine to make contact and deal with any German officials in Spain who might be in a position to facilitate the tanker’s release.

   The prisoner knew CABALLOS and occasionally discussed current issues with him in the same manner as with MIRANDA and GOYENECHE. Shortly after the Argentine-German rupture, ARNOLD was ordered by Amt VI to get in touch with the Naval Attache and make him one final offer with respect to the tanker, namely, that the Germans would release it if the Argentines would release the German agents arrested in the general spy roundup of February 1944. The prisoner telephoned CEBALLOS and said he had an important proposition regarding the tanker, suggesting a discreet meeting in a cafe. The Naval Attache signified his willingness -he was ready to do anything to gain his long­time objective- and the two met. ARNOLD presented the German Government’s offer -an official one in writing- and CEBALLOS took it and communicated it to his superiors in Buenos Aires. In spite of its former eagerness to get the tanker, however, the Argentine Ministry of Marine never replied to the offer. ARNOLD said CEBALLOS was very pro-German, but he never worked for the SD in any informational or other tangible capacity, nor did he at any time receive money or gifts from the prisoner.

Dr. Adrián C. ESCOBAR and Consul Aquilino LOPEZ.

      Mention has been made above of the Argentine Ambassador ESCOBAR’s aid to GOYENECHE in obtaining entry permits for Germany and France. According to ARNOLD, both ESCOBAR and the then Argentine Consul in Madrid, Aquilino LOPEZ, were in contact with the chief of the SD in Paris, Dr. Helmut Herbert KNOCHEN. The prisoner volunteered that he understood ESCOBAR had sought this connection when he thought Germany was going to win the war, hoping thus to get into favor with Germany and at the same time become a political prophet in his own land. The Ambassador professed himself a great friend of Fascism in general and of the Reich in particular. Another probable reason for the contact, ARNOLD thought, was that ESCOBAR hoped, through his trips to visit KNOCHEN and others, to establish a legitimate pretext for crossing the French frontier with no questions asked. The prisoner had no proof, but believed that both ESCOBAR and Consul LOPEZ, who sometimes accompanied his chief, took advantage of their border crossings to engineer illicit deals in foreign exchange and contraband goods. Captain MIRANDA, with whom the prisoner later discussed ESCOBAR, said that the Ambassador, who was very fond of good living, had certainly taken advantage of his friendship with the Germans to do profitable business when he went to France.

      ARNOLD’s statements concerning ESCOBAR were based on informed hearsay, as the Ambassador had left Madrid when he arrived in September in 1942. With LOPEZ, however; there was direct contact. In November 1942, the prisoner received an order from Berlin to make connections with the Consul -in the order it was stated that LOPEZ had declared himself ready to work for the SD and give them political reports; it was added that the contact had been made originally by the SD in Paris. ARNOLD therefore went to LOPEZ ’ office in Madrid. Much to his surprise the Consul was very much perturbed by the visit, and got rid of him as quickly as he could, The prisoner could not at the time understand LOPEZ’ attitude, since Argentina still maintained diplomatic relations with Germany and the visit of a German was not an unusual thing in Madrid.

      Later, LOPEZ attitude was explained. ARNOLD learned that the Consul had complained to KNOCHEN of his visit, saying that he had not meant he would work with the SD in Madrid, but rather only through direct contact with the Paris office: if he had anything he would deliver it personally to the SD at Hendaye. The illicit foreign exchange,deals of LOPEZ were at that time an open secret in Spanish circles, so ARNOLD supposed that the reason the Consul resisted dealing with him was precisely so that he might have a pretext for crossing the border.

      The prisoner stressed once more that he had no proof of the blackmarket activities of either ESCOBAR or LOPEZ, but added that any of the SD personnel who were at that time stationed at Hendaye should have concrete knowledge; if they were U.S. prisoners they might be interrogated to advantage. LOPEZ was a long-standing member of the Unión Cívica Radical in Argentina, the least pro-German of the political parties, and this fact strengthened the prisoner’s belief that LÓPEZ was only collaborating with the Nazis for what he could get out of them.

Major Elias BELMONTE and Rubén SARDÓN

      Sometime in the second half of 1943 the former Bolivian military Attache in Berlin, Major Elias BELMONTE PABÓN, arrived in Madrid from Germany. At the same time, ARNOLD received orders to accompany BELMONTE to Bilbao to receive the letter’s half-brother, Rubén SARDÓN PABON, and to arrange for the two to travel on to Berlin. SARDÓN was arriving from Buenos Aires. The prisoner accordingly took BELMONTE in his car to Bilbao, met the half-brother, and drove the pair back to Madrid; and thence he later took them to the border and despatched them to Germany. For his trip from Argentina SARDÓN had used his regular Bolivian passport with a visa for Spain, He did not, however, wish any evidence of his Berlin trip to appear on this document, so ARNOLD arranged with the Office of the Police Attache for false German papers to be used instead.

     On his arrival in Madrid, SARDÓN simply went to the Spanish police and signed in, giving an address in Madrid and receiving the customary temporary authorization for residence. He then went as far as Irun on his Bolivian passport. There he was helped to cross the border clandestinely by the delegate of the Police Attache from San Sebastian, and once across the line he used his German pass. The latter was not a regular German passport, but the grey-type document customarily furnished to Volksdeutsche, that is, ethnic Germans of other than German nationality, such as Czechoslovakian, Polish, et cetera. SARDÓN spent about three months in Germany then returned by the same route, again crossing the frontier clandestinely and subsequently resuming the use of his Bolivian passport, unmarred by any evidence of his trip. Major BELMONTE remained in Berlin, working for the Reich as before.

      It was quite evident to ARNOLD that SARDON came to Europe to establish contact with his half-brother and to sound out the latter’s opinions on matters of political moment in Bolivia. During the automobile ride from the port to Madrid, in the first flush of their reunion, ARNOLD recalled that practically all the conversation was devoted to rapid staccato questions and answers about mutual friends. The prisoner recalled that the names of FOIANINI, PAZ ESTENSSORO and FILIPPI were mentioned, but he did not remember any others. He did, however, recollect that during the trip SARDÓN informed his half-brother that BELMONTE’ s old mother had got the Bolivian President PEÑARANDA to admit privately to her that it was then recognized that the famous «BELMONTEWENDLER note» was a forgery; PEÑARANDA added that the BELMONTE’s must understand that owing to the world situation the Bolivian Government could not very well admit this publicly for the time being.

      ARNOLD subsequently learned in Amt VI that SARDÓN had made a great nuisance of himself during his Berlin sojourn. He had whined incessantly at the hardships of wartime existence, and was constantly demanding extra treatment. Among other things he complained very volubly that when he had landed in Bilbao his camera had been left forgotten in the customs shed. SARDÓN blamed ARNOLD for this; and finally Amt VI gave him a new camera to shut him up.

      When he returned to Madrid SARDÓN avoided contact with Germans, although once when he saw the prisoner in a bar he said hello. To ARNOLD’s knowledge he associated constantly with the ranking officer of the Bolivian Legation in the Spanish capital –ARNOLD was not sure whether it was the Minister or the Charge d’Affaires.

      The 1943 meeting was the prisoner’s first contact with Major BELMONTE, although of course he had heard of him in the Amt and knew that Ewald GEPPERT had once sent the Bolivian on some sort of mission to Lisbon. When ARNOLD returned to Berlin for consultation in January 1944, the Bolivian Revolution of the previous month was still fresh news and was being commented on with great interest in Amt VI. Kurt GROSS was all for sending BELMONTE right back to his country to ride the crest of the new movement, since the Bolivian was recognized as a «people’s leader». GROSS hoped thereby to convert the revolution from an officers’ Putsch to a popular movement; he even envisaged the possibility of BELMONTE’s being chosen president in a democratic election. GROSS was already dickering for a submarine or other form of transportation to get the Bolivian back to his people, but he feared privately that BELMONTE would refuse to go. ARNOLD, who recognized the quality of BELMONTE’s Indian courage, was sure that he would go, and betted GROSS 100 marks in support of his conviction.

      However, after much pondering and careful stud; of all available reports coming in concerning the post-revolutionary situation, BELMONTE himself decided that if he appeared on the scene his comrades-in-arms would be fatally compromised vis-a-vis the United States: he therefore decided to remain in Germany. (Note: contrast this with the statement of Hedwig SOMMER, who believed that it was Amt VI which lost interest in sending BELMONTE, not the opposite. ARNOLD seemed on fairly sure ground concerning the point, as he had made the bet with GROSS and followed the matter closely.)

      When at the end of 1944. Major BELMONTE left Germany and came to Madrid to stay, he abjured all contact with Germans, asking ARNOLD personally, in their only interview, to abstain from calling on him or even writing to him in the future. His reason for this was that he feared any such contact would harm the cause of the new Bolivian Government, with which BELMONTE identified himself in absentia. At the same time he manifested a burning desire to put himself right with the Allied authorities in Madrid in order to return to Bolivia. With only one German did BELMONTE make an exception: his mistress Helga DREWSEN.

      This Fraulein arrived in Madrid from Berlin several months before the war ended sent by Amt VI. She had orders to establish contact with ARNOLD, but never did so -probably, the prisoner thought, because BELMONTE had forbidden her to. ARNOLD never did see her in Spain, although he heard that Max SCHNEEMANN had run across her and BELMONTE at a swimming pool near Madrid in the fall of 1945. To the best of the prisoner’s knowledge Major BELMONTE and Miss DREWSEN are still living together in Madrid.


      The prisoner was questioned briefly conceraing his knowledge of the projected arms buying tour of the Argentine Osmar Alberto HELLMUTH in mid-1943. He said only that he received orders to see that HELLMUTH got off to Berlin as soon as he arrived in Spain. When HELLMUTH failed to arrive, ARNOLD did not for a time know what had happened; but he eventually learned of the Argentine’s arrest indirectly through the new Argentine Military Attache at Madrid, Colonel Carlos Alberto VELEZ, who had been on the same ship. ARNOLD never met VELEZ personally, nor did he appear to know anything at all about Reinhardt SPITZY, the agent of the Brünner Waffenwerke who dealt with the Attache. The prisoner knew vaguely that BECKER had been involved in the HELLMUTH affair, and that Hans HARNISCH of the Abwehr was the principal German figure in the case.


      As mentioned in a preceding section the former Peruvian Charge d’Affaires at Berlin, Miguel CERRO CEBRIAN, was recruited as a collaborator by the German Foreign Ministry at the time he was interned at Baden Baden awaiting exchange. In what his collaboration consisted, ARNOLD never discovered; but he did know that CERRO CEBRIAN, like BELMONTE, had repudiated his country’s action in breaking relations with Germany. In 1943 the Peruvian came to Madrid with his wife, and the prisoner knew that he was in contact with the German Embassy there. ARNOLD’s relations with CERRO CEBRIAN were private in nature: as with GOYENOCHE and MIRANDA the prisoner made use of his talks with the former Charge in his political reporting to Amt VI, but there was never any question of remuneration or regular employment. It was mentioned above that ARNOLD suspected CERRO CEBRIAN of seeking contact with the Allies towards the end of the war.

Christian KROLL

      According to ARNOLD, KROLL was a brother-in-law of the Peruvian Ambassador in Madrid, RIVERA SCHREIBER. He was by profession an engineer, and had formerly worked with the broadcasting department of the German Foreign Ministry in Berlin, but, when he found his work was being rendered sterile by lack of comprehension on the part of the Rundfunk authorities, he moved to Spain. At the time KROLL came to Madrid in 1943, Mme. EDITH FAUPEL wrote ARNOLD to get in touch with this hijo of hers -she referred to all her proteges as her «sons»- and the prisoner called on the new arrival. KROLL was hard pressed for money, so ARNOLD managed, through the intermediary of Amt VI, to place him as representative of a German firm -its name the prisoner could not recall- at a contracted salary of more or less 4.000 Pesetas a month.

      In obtaining this job for the Peruvian ARNOLD told Amt VI that KROLL would be very useful to the SD in view of his relationship to Ambassador RIVERA SCHREIBER. In this, however, the prisoner wilfully exaggerated, since he was fully aware that relations between the two were cool and that RIVERA SCHREIBER would never confide in his brother-in-law. And so it turned out: ARNOLD and KROLL often met in cafes and bars or at dinner, and discussed the politico-military situation as it affected South America, but Amt VI was not satisfied with the information gained from the Peruvian and scolded ARNOLD on several occasions.

      The prisoner added that KROLL, who was of German-Peruvian parentage, became one of the closest personal friends he had in Madrid: he was absolutely honest and frank. At the beginning of 1946 KROLL returned to Peru, and the prisoner heard no more of him.

Carlos CRUZ (*) . ..

     * The name of Carlos CRUZ figured several times in the correspondence of General FAUPEL’s Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut (see POLAD 354 of Dec. 20, ’45, item no. 11.). In 1543 Colonel CRUZ, then in Vienna, wrote to General FAUPEL and offered himself without reserve to the cause of the «New Europe’. He asked and got recommendations to leading personalities of the Falange in Madrid, where he then planned to go instead of returning with the other Chilean diplomats to Chile. (CRUZ, like BELMONTE and CERRO CEBRIAN– repudiated his country’s breach in relations with the Axis.)

      The former Chilean Consul in Vienna, Carlos CRUZ, came to Madrid in an attempt to obtain Spanish representations for his country and to sell Chilean merchandise in Spain. ARNOLD did not recall how he got to know CRUZ, remembering only that the meeting had been a chance one. Their association lasted only about two months: ARNOLD recollected that he asked CRUZ about Chilean politics and that they talked of Argentina -the ex-Consul had a very poor opinion of Argentine professional politicians in general and of Colonel PERON in particular- he considered PERON a demagogue and a politicker.

      The Chilean traveled a good bit around Spain trying to drum up trade. The prisoner recalled that CRUZ was away from Madrid when he, ARNOLD, was arrested by the Spanish police, and that while he was in jail CRUZ returned to Chile.(*)


      FERNANDEZ MORAN was another of Mme. FAUPEL’s entourage of young proteges -he was a Venezuelan who had studied in Germany since he was fourteen years old, and had not gone home in the 1942 exchange because he wanted to finish his medical studies. At the age of twenty-four he received his doctorate, but by that time it was very difficult to get out of Germany. ARNOLD did not know how FERNANDEZ MORAN had come into contact, with Kurt GROSS, but believed it was through the intermediary of Mme. FAUPEL. In any event, the connection was purely personal –ARNOLD emphasized that the young Venezuelan made no premise whatsoever to work for Amt VI; GROSS was merely helping him to get out of Germany in deference to the wishes of Mme. FAUPEL.

      GROSS gave FERNANDEZ MORAN ARNOLD’s address in Madrid, and in June or July of 1944 the Venezuelan visited him. As soon as he had got his papers in order and received money from home, FERNANDEZ MORAN returned to Venezuela. The prisoner believed that this happened while he himself was in Vigo awaiting the arrival of the Passim, in September 1944, since he did not recall FERNANDEZ MORAN’s departure and only later -in about November- got a note saying the young doctor had arrived safely in Venezuela.

IX. Relations with SD – Portugal

Sturmbannfuehrer NASSENSTEIN

      The prisoner was cuestioned regarding his relations with Sturmbannfuehrer ARNOLD may be mistaken about the date of CRUZ’ return. In any case, a further item in the FAUPEL files is a greetings telegram dated January 1944 in Buenos Aires, from CRUZ to General FAUPEL. NASSENSTEIN, the Amt Vl representative in Lisbon, and with the two Brazilian integralists who collaborated with the SD, Plinio SALGADO and Luiz ALBUQUERQUE. ARNOLD affirmed that he had only casual contact with NASSENSTEIN on the several occasions that the latter visited Madrid. Regarding SALGADO and ALBUQUERQUE the prisoner knew only that the Amt was at one time very much interested in gaining their collaboration, but that NASSENSTEIN did not succeed in getting much good out of them. SALGADO was more political philosopher than activist, ARNOLD also got the impression that he was too cowardly to be of any use to the SD. ALBUQUERQUE was an unknown quantity.

Karl Ernst von MERCK

     Von MERCK was included by Hedwig SCANNER among the Amt VI people in Lisbon who worked under NASSENSTEIN, and ARNOLD was questioned concerning him. He knew that during a certain time von MERCK worked in Portugal, but he was unaware of any of the details of his activity for NASSENSTEIN. ARNOLD did, however, come into contact with Von MERCK when the latter moved to Spain, and related the following concerning him.

     Von MERCK and the prisoner knew each other in Buenos Aires, where the former was a Party member and a reporter for the German-language Deutsche La Plata Zeitung. Later, on one of his trips to Berlin, ARNOLD found von MERCK there working for the Voelkischer Beobachter; and he subsequently went to Lisbon as a correspondent for that paper, in December 1944 or January 1945 von MERCK left Lisbon for Madrid, continuing his journalistic work in Spain.

     The prisoner saw a good bit of his former friend in Madrid, but said that while in Spain von MERCK could not be classed as a collaborator of the SD -he never gave ARNOLD any kind of a report, and only discussed the political situation with him. Von MERCK, ARNOLD said, was a clever and intelligent journalist, but he was almost totally deaf and conversation with him was rather difficult. He spoke perfect Spanish, his father having been German and his mother a Guatamaltecan. In Madrid von MERCK married one of the employees of the German Embassy, but ARNOLD never got to know the lady.

X. The arrival of the Passim

      The prisoner was required to tell of his part in the arrival in Spain of the Passim, a naval cutter of Abwehr Marine under the command of Captain GARBERS which was making its return trip to Europe after having delivered the SD agents HANSEN and SCHROELL on the Argentine coast in 1944.

      In July 1944 ARNOLD received word from Berlin that a sailing vessel was on its way to Spain with some SD men aboard; it had originally been destined for France, but was unable to land there owing to the Allied invasion, whereupon radio orders had been given the captain to head for Vigo. The prisoner was instructed to go there and receive it, of the crew and the cargo. He proceeded to Vigo, hired a ten-ton launch with a crew of two sailors -they were Gallegos and the old-time smugglers- and went to the north entrance of Vigo harbor to await the cutter’s arrival. (ARNOLD had already instructed Berlin to radio the Passim to wait near the north entrance until he could contact it and take charge of the cargo and agents before the ship entered port.)

      ARNOLD’s plan was to transfer the whole crew and cargo to his launch, take everything into Vigo and dispatch it clandestinely to Madrid, then return and sink the Passim near the coast. ARNOLD and his crew lurked about Vigo harbor for almost three weeks in September 1944, fishing and swimming and occasionally going ashore for supplies. When the cutter finally did arrive, however, they missed it. Firstly, the Passim had been erroneously described to the prisoner by Berlin as a 46-ton vessel with two masts, whereas in reality it had three. Secondly, Captain GARBERS disobeyed the order to tarry in the north entry of the harbor, and went right into the port at night.

      The cutter arrived in Vigo about 4 a.m. As soon as there was daylight Heinz LANGE, who was one of the passengers, got himself taken ashore and made a hurried tour of the town’s eating-places until he chanced upon ARNOLD breakfasting in a small bar. The two knew each other from Buenos Aires, and the prisoner said it was like seeing a ghost when the dishevelled LANGE appeared at the door in the early morning light. He had known that LANGE was among the passengers, since he had recognized his cover-name of JENSEN in the original communication from Berlin; but ARNOLD had not known the other cover-names which were mentioned and did not discover until later that the remaining two passengers were Philipp IMHOF and Juergen SIEVERS.

      While LANGE was rushing about town in search of ARNOLD the Vigo Abwehr agent Walter GIESE -whom ARNOLD knew as Alfredo THOMAS– had managed to get in touch with the Passim and smuggle ashore to the German Consulate all the correspondence and other material which LANGE had brought along from BECKER’s organization in Argentina. (** The following was read in a report of the interrogation of Walter GIESE by G-2: GIESE, working in Vigo, was advised by Abwehr III (Kurt von ROHRSCHEIDT) that a cutter was to arrive with two SD agents aboard. The SD man (ARNOLD) had been instructed to receive them, but GIESE was advised to remain in the background in case he were needed. The SD man did miss the boat and GIESE had to care for the cutter when it reached port, getting the cargo ashore. The crew was interned for a few weeks.

      ln this, GIESE’was aided by a Spaniard, who had formerly been representative of a German steamship line in Vigo -the prisoner could not recall his name. There was not time however, to save the crew and the vessel and they were interned, along with SIEVERS and IMHOF, for a matter of some weeks. At the intercession of the Embassy they were eventually released and allowed to proceed by air to Berlin.

     LANGE’s foresight in promptly abandoning the ship was justified, as he escaped internment and delay. He and ARNOLD went to the Consulate and examined the material –LANGE had sunk much of it en route when there was.a scare about a British warship, but there remained two big packages about two feet square. The prisoner opened them and leafed through the contents, noting only that these consisted of reports, photographs, diagrams, et cetera. Then he repacked everything in dry paper, as the material was very damp. ARNOLD and LANGE went to Madrid with their burden and the prisoner forwarded it immediately to Amt VI. LANGE remained in Madrid for three or four weeks then went on to Berlin. ARNOLD never saw him again, nor did he know what had become of him.


The Microdot Machines

      The story of Max SCHNEEMANN and Hans Christian ZUEHLSDORF has been adequately covered in the interrogation of Hedwig SOMMER and in the recent questioning of SCHNEEMANN himself (POLAD despatch no. 7386 of October 15, 1946). These two arrived in Madrid in March 1945, and were temporarily assigned to ARNOLD for handling pending their projected trip to northern South America, ZUEHLSDORF sailed for Buenos Aires after a few months in Spain, and was subsequently picked up by the Allied authorities at Trinidad; SCHNEEMANN remained in Spain until his repatriation in the same airlift with ARNOLD.

      SCHNEEMANN’s testimony regarding the microdot equipment in his and ARNOLD’s possession, while willingly given, was confused and incomplete. ARNOLD was therefore required to supplement SCHNEEMANN’s story. Although his version did not agree in every respect with that of his colleague, ARNOLD’s testimony appears more integrated and probable.

      SCHNEEMANN claimed that ARNOLD received a microdot-machine intended for him and ZUEHLSDORF, but refused to give it to them; that ARNOLD later did give SCHNEEMANN a smaller, inferior apparatus, which he, SCHNEEMANN, subsequently sold to the Spanish for 8,000 Pesetas; and that still later ARNOLD gave the first machine to the Spanish.

      The prisoner did not contradict SCHNEEMANN as to the number of machines, but affirmed that his colleague was mistaken in supposing that he had been given the inferior of the two; they were absolutely identical, ARNOLD said. There was a smaller apparatus, in more or less cigar-box size, scheduled to arrive from Berlin: but it was to have been an improved model rather than a poorer one. Moreover, it never was delivered. The prisoner’s version of the matter, reconstructed after considerable checking, follows:

      In mid-March, 1945, ZUEHLSDORF arrived in Madrid by airplane, to te followed at the end of the month by SCHNEEMANN. Shortly before ZUEHLSDORF’s arrival Amt VI had sent to ARNOLD a camera for taking the minute photographs known in the Amt VI as «Mipu-s» (an abbreviation for mikropunkte or microdots). It was intended that ARNOLD should learn how to use the the machine and to this end there also appeared in Madrid a Chilean woman named Emma PÉREZ (for whom see below), who was to make initial use of the apparatus and at the same time instruct ARNOLD how to carry on with it. But the end of the war with its attendant confusion was followed closely by the prisoner’s arrest by the Spanish in June 1945, with the result that he not only never took a microdot lesson but never even got a proper look inside the case which inclosed the apparatus. (This was a regular leather suitcase.) At the same time, Berlin informed ARNOLD that it would soon forward to him the smaller, improved model, but this never arrived. The prisoner believed that the Amt’s failure to send it owed to the impossible state of communications in the closing months of the war. Hearing ARNOLD speak of this smaller apparatus was probably what confused SCHNEEMANN, the prisoner thought. Then, at about the time ZUEHLSDORF arrived –either in the same airplane or in the one directly before or after it- a second Mipu machine arrived for ZUEHLSDORF’s use, to be taken along on the mission to South America, ARNOLD insisted that this second apparatus was for ZUEHLSDORF and not for SCHNEEMANN. Along with it came a radio-transmitter, and both machines were encased in metal cases, hermetically soldered. The Mipu apparatus was identical in size with that which had already been received by ARNOLD, the only difference being that the case was of metal instead of leather.

      In May and June 1945, respectively, SCHNEEMANN and ARNOLD were arrested by the Spanish for different reasons and spent the summer in jail. ZUEHLSDORF, in the meanwhile, left Spain for South America. When he got out, ARNOLD gave the second apparatus (the metal-cased one) to the Spanish captain BAHAMONDE Y GUITAN, in order to keep on good terms with Spanish officialdom. BAHAMONDE subsequently passed the apparatus on to Comandante Pablo ÁLVAREZ LARA, of the Spanish General Staff. ARNOLD also let ALVAREZ LARA have the metal-encased transmitter left by ZUEHLSDORF, although the Spaniard refused to accept it as a gift and insisted on paying the prisoner 4,000 Pesetas for it. ARNOLD wanted to give ÁLVAREZ LARA the other 40-watt transmitter sent to him by Amt VI some months before the war’s end, but he discovered that the Spaniard with whom he had left it for safe-keeping had himself sold it to one of the Spanish intelligence services, keeping the money. The prisoner averred that, he would be very happy to help locate this individual, as he was a swindler of the first category, but the name escaped him.

      Before being jailed SCHNEEMANN had got possession of the first leather encased apparatus, probably through its custodian, Emma PÉREZ, with whom he was on intimate terms. After his release SCHNEEMANN lent this machine to the policeman FERNÁNDEZ RIVAS, and subsequently got it back to sell to ÁLVAREZ LARA for 8,000 Pesetas. During all this time SCHNEEMANN kept importuning ARNOLD to give the ZUEHLSDORF machine to him, SCHNEEMANN, claiming that it was by rights his. (…)


      ARNOLD did not know the first name of this Chilean woman, whose nickname was NEGRA, but Max SCHNEEMANN confirmed that it was Emma. She appears to be identical with a certain Emma PÉREZ B., also a Chilean, several of whose letters were found in the FAUPEL files: the latter Emma PÉREZ confided to Mme. FAUPEL that she was working for the R.S.H.A. In any case, the Chilean woman came to Madrid from Berlin a few weeks before the end of the war. All that Amt VI told Arnold was that she was competent in the handling of the Mipu camera and that he was to take lessons from her: Berlin thought this important since it was expected that air communication with Madrid would soon be cut off.

      Amt VI sent ARNOLD a sum of money for Miss PEREZ—it was either 6,000 or 9,000 Pesetas—and when she arrived he gave it to her and she started work. Before she had achieved any tangible results she blew out a tube in the machine—the Madrid current was different than that of Berlin—and before ARNOLD could get her another one the war was over. So the prisoner never.learned about microdot photography.

      ARNOLD had very little personal contact with Miss PEREZ, but he gathered that she was not particularly sympathetic to National Socialism, having offered her services to Amt VI in order to be able to leave Germany and salvage the 10,000-15,000 marks which she had saved in the Reich. This money she never dii get, although ARNOLD gave her something when he liquidated his organization (see below). She and SCHNEEMANN were very friendly, and she lived in the same boarding house with him until he was arrested in May 1945. The prisoner believed that after her work with Amt VI ceased she received help from one of the Chilean diplomats in Madrid: he himself lost touch with her after his arrest, but believed she might still be in Madrid. ARNOLD added that he got the impression that kiss Perez’ real political sentiments were more leftist than otherwise.


      With-the-exception of the conflicting statements regarding the disposal of the itipu equipment, nothing the prisoner said about his colleague was fundamentally in contradiction to what SCHNEEMANN told about himself in interrogation. ARNOLD did add, however, that SCHNEEMANN drank too much for an agent, and when he was drunk in a public bar he would tell anyone who had on a blue shirt that he was a German. Undoubtedly, thought the prisoner, this was what had caused SCHNEEMANN to be caught in the trap of the impostors who posed as policemen and swindled him of his ring and camera—one of their gang heard him talking freely in a bar and thought: good, here was a victir.

      SCHNEEMANN, of course, committed the further imbecility, when he went to the police to reclaim his stolen property, of carrying on his person his false seaman’s papers in the name of Angel BLANCO BLANCO, and at the same time telling the police that he was not Angel BLANCO BLANCO but the German Max SCHNEEMANN.


False documents

      Most forged papers were furnished by Amt VT-F, although there were also means of obtaining certain types of these locally. Whenever the prisoner needed a German passport, as in the case of Ruben SARDÓN, it was of course no great matter to obtain one at the Office of the Police Attache. ARNOLD simply furnished, photographs of the subject together with the desired name.

      To obtain Spanish documents was usually merely a matter of bribing the proper employee, but the prisoner never made the contact in person in such cases. For SCHNEEMANN and ZUEHLSDORF, as well as for himself, he obtained merchant seamen’s papers which were legitimate, having belonged to mariners who had left the sea. These were bought in their original condition by Joaquin LOPEZ, through the intermediary of a friend, from an employee of a maritime office in Bilbao. The friend paid from 50 to 100 Pesetas apiece for them, and LOPEZ bought them from him for 200 or 250 Pesetas. In Madrid ARNOLD’s organization changed the photographs and replaced the rubber-stamp seals by a paper-transfer process with a stamp-ink pad.

      As mentioned below the prisoner paid HELGUERO VALCARCEL 500 Pesetas for his safe conduct and driver’s license in the name of Carlos ALONSO. The lawyer, however, never told him where or how he obtained these documents.


XIII. Liquidation of the ARNOLD organization

      In the months of May and June, 1945, after the war was over, ARNOLD liquidated his organization. Following the example of the German Embassy and many of the German commercial houses he gave each of his then remaining collaborators more or less six months salary in advance, from a large sum sent him by Berlin as follows:

Pablo SILVEYRA … 30,000 ptas.

Joaquin LOPEZ ….. 15,000 ptas.

Jose Luis DIAZ …… 15,000 ptas.

Francisco GOICOECHEA …. 12,000 ptas.

Alejandro MINK …… 6,000 or 8,000 ptas.

Emma PEREZ ….. 10,000 or 12,000 ptas.

      The prisoner included Emma PEREZ with the others because she wanted to get back to Chile and he did not know what to do with her. Later, for her passage, he also gave her 7,000 Argentine pesos which had shortly before been sent him by the Amt through Lisbon, as PEREZ never succeeded in getting her Reichsmarks savings out of Germany. SCHNEEMANN and ZUEHLSDORF supposedly had most of the money which had been originally entrusted them for their mission—ARNOLD did not know how much it was—and as they were not considered part of his regular organization he left them out of the division.

      After the above sum hid been paid out the prisoner still had between 90,000 and 100,000 peseta. Of this sum he later had to pay out 60,000 Pesetas, as well as his own car, to the lawyer who got him and keywald out of jail: 50,000 as the price of the deal and 10;000 more for the actual bail. ARNOLD ’s automobile—an Opel with license number MU 5191 — he later sacrificed to the lawyer, Antonio HELGUERO VALCARCEL, to make a further deal with the desk officer (oficial de mesa) at the Juzgado no 3 so that ARNOLD and keywald should not have to report personally tihile free on bail (…)

XIV. Arrest in the banknote affair

      Much has been written in other interrogations, as well as undoubtedly in the records of the Spanish police themselves, regarding the well known case of the counterfeit British banknotes allegedly received by ARNOLD and/or KEYWALD from Amt VI for use in financing their operations. It has been established with some authority that pounds were supplied to some of the missions being equipped to go to the Western Hemisphere.

      Hedwig SOMMER under interrogation affirmed that she was instructed by Kurt GROSS to pack a large amount in pounds in about thirty tin waterproof boxes for HANSEN and SCHROELL just before taey left aboard the Passim in April 1944 -She believed that they were given a large sum to take with them. However, SOMMER admitted that her assumption that the money was counterfeit was based on an indirect reference which she happened to see one day in GROSS’ correspondence; and when she later heard that persons had been arrested in Portugal for passing counterfeit pound notes she drew a fairly logical inference. SOMMER said she believed that ARNOLD had received a supply, though she thought that most had gone to NASSENSTEIN at Lisbon.

      As far as could be gathered from available briefing and from the statements of ARNOLD and MEYWALD, who were the two principal protagonists, the British Consulate’s accusations against them were based almost entirely on the allegations of Armin SCHMIDT, a recognized forger and swindler, in whose possession a quantity of the counterfeit banknotes was discovered. SCHMIDT later escaped from Spain with his partner and paramour Ana de POMBO, but nothing in the briefing indicated where this couple now are, or to what authorities SCHMIDT made the allegations outlined above.

      During five months’ detention and interrogation the Spanish police were apparently unable to substantiate SCHMIDT’s charges against ARNOLD and MEYWALD. In the present interrogation ARNOLD refused adamantly to admit to any complicity in the affair of the banknotes, or to any knowledge of their origin. (…)

XV. Relations with the Spanish intelligence services

      ARNOLD’s detention for the banknote affair lasted form June 21 to October 16 1945. Following his release from jail he saw that with the war over and Germany defeated he would have to live by his wits and, above all, to curry favor wherever he could with the Spanish authorities. There follows a discussion of the personalities with whom he came into contact in this connection:


      Arnold believed that Captain BAHAMONDE was not a relative of General FRANCO, as stated by MEYWALD: as a matter of fact, the prisoner rather thought the name was spelled «BAAMONDE«, without the «h», but he was not sure. The captain was a previous acquaintance of MEYWALD, as well as of Ana de POMBO and Armin SCHMIDT and he visited ARNOLD and MEYWALD frequently while they were in jail. He did everytning he could to alleviate their situation, and proved himself a staunch and agreeable friend.

      Once ARNOLD was released he bethought himself to make use of BAHAMONDE as a channel to the sort of Spanish official connections which he would need if he were to remain a free man. Accordingly, in October 1945, he offered the captain the Mipu camera, calculating that since BAHAMONDE was not connected with intelligence he would in turn get in touch with an officer of that service and pass the apparatus en to him. ARNOLD figured correctly: BAHAMONDE gave the camera to Comandante PABLO ALVARES LARA, and soon introduced ARNOLD to him. ALVAREZ LARA, who accepted the camera and promised ARNOLD the aid and protection of the Spanish authorities, was a member of the Spanish General staff and also, the prisoner believed, connected with the S.I.M. (Spanish Military Intelligence) He also had certain contact with the chief of the intelligence service of the Falange, GONZALEZ VICEN (or VINCEN, or VINCENT).

      In November, in order to cement his advantage still further, the prisoner also offered ALVARES LARA the transmitter left by Hans ZUEHLSDORF; this the Spaniard accepted, but only on the condition that ARNOLD allow him to pay 4,000 Pesetas for it. As mentioned above, the prisoner hoped to pass over his other transmitter as well, but discovered that it had been disposed of by the Spaniard in whose care he had left it.

      ARNOLD also promised to put ALVAREZ LARA in touch with Max SCHNEEMANN, who might let him have the Migu machine in his possession -the policeman FERNANDEZ RIVAS was holding it at the time, the prisoner understood. For the first meeting with SCHNEEMANN, ALVAREZ LARA picked the house of a certain Captain Emilio VILLA CALZADILLA, a friend of his who lived in Colonia del Viso. ARNOLD went to that house in a cab, while SCHNEEMANN and Karla BANDT followed in another, some five minutes later. This was in January 1946, the prisoner believed. ARNOLD merely introduced SCHNEEMANN and had a few words with him, then went out to wait in the cab. SCHNEEMANN asked ARNOLD where the other Kipu was,and the prisoner told him he had already given it to BAHAMONDE Y GUITAN. ARNOLD subsequently learned that SCHNEEMANN sold his Mipu for 8,000 Pesetas, and understood that ALVAREZ LARA had offered him also the protection of the Spanish authorities.

      At this point the prisoner broke out exasperatedly to exclaim that these promises of protection on the part of BAHAMONDE and ALVAREZ LARA were made with no other end than to gain the confidence of ARNOLD and his associates and to keep track of them, and finally abandon them to whatever fate might be in store. For example, ALVAREZ LARA promised the prisoner a Spanish passport with which he could get to South America; but in spite of numerous reminders he never received it all he got from the Spanish during this period was an occasional invitation to dinner in a restaurant and a series of translation jobs from German to Spanish by means of which he earned a total maximum of 4,000 Pesetas. when arnold was finally arrested in his asturias hideaway, at San Juan de la Arana near oviedo, he managed to send a telegram to ALVAREZ LARA, but the latter never visited him in jail nor did anything to prevent his delivery to the United States (…)


      VILLA CALZADILLA, at whose house the meeting with SCHNEEMANN was arranged, was known to the prisoner only casually as a friend of ALVAREZ LARA. Their intercourse was limited to an occasional greeting in passing.

      Captain Pablo SANCHEZ LARQUE of the S.I.M. was a neighbor of ARNOLD’s in Calle Lista; the prisoner met him through MEYWALD, with whom he worked a good bit. In spite of SCHMIDT’s accusation that ARNOLD had» given some of the British banknotes to SANCHEZ LARQUE, the prisoner affirmed that he had no more than a nodding acquaintance with the captain, and certainly no dealings in connection with intelligence work. Comandante TOLEDO, SANCHEZ’ LARQUE’s superior officer, was known to ARNOLD only by name from certain allusions in MEYWALD’s conversation.


      In the section devoted to the liquidation of ARNOLD’s organization mention was made of money paid to the lawyer Antonio HELGUERO VALCARCEL for gaining MEYWALD’s and ARNOLD’s freedom and for subsequent favors. One day when the prisoner was still in jail he was visited by HELGUERO VALCARCEL in the company of the policeman FERNANDEZ RIVAS, whom ARNOLD had not previously met. The lawyer practised in Madrid at Calle Breton de los Herreros 40, 2nd floor. He offered to get MEYWALD and ARNOLD out of jail for 50,000 Pesetas —25,000 for each— and the prisoner promised him that sum.

      In October 1945, accordingly, HELGUERO arranged their release on bail at 5,000 Pesetas each and ARNOLD paid him the agreed 50,000 Pesetas. HELGUERO gave 5,000 of this sum to FERNANDEZ RIVAS in ARNOLD’s presence. As mentioned above the prisoner subsequently gave his Opel automobile and more money to HELGUERO VALCARCEL to arrange for the privilege of not having to report every fifteen days to the police. Both ARNOLD and MEYWALD could report themselves in a private house, in a bar, et cetera, anywhere in Spain. Later, when ARNOLD traveled north, he filled out four empty blanks and left them with VALCARCEL to be handed in when due.

      When the Allies began clamoring for the Spanish to hand over ARNOLD for repatriation, HELGUERO came to him and offered false documents of identity. The prisoner accepted and chose the name Carlos ALONSO KLEIBEL, picking the first two names to agree with the initials on his clothes and the last, which he considered to be that of a Swiss mother, because of his Germanic appearance. For 500 Pesetas HELGUERO delivered to ARNOLD a safe conduct valid for six months and a driver’s license, both in the new name. But the lawyer and FERNANDEZ RIVAS then began preying on ARNOLD, blackmailing him for more and more money until finally, when they realized that the source was dry and there were no more funds, they denounced his false name to the police and told everything they knew about him.

      Since the end of the war ARNOLD had lived continually in hiding, making a little money translating from German to Spanish: one book he translated was Lt. General von RIECKHOFF’s Trumpf oder Bluff?, explaining the downfall of the Luftwaffe. ARNOLD abjured almost all contact with Germans, and for weeks on end never even went out on the street. In the summer of 1946 he decided on a change of scenery, hoping to get out in the open air a bit and to live more cheaply. He thus moved as secretly as possible to Asturias, at San Juan de la Arena, near Oviedo, and was living there when he was picked up for repatriation. Only two Madrid people—ALVAREZ LARA and HELGUERO VALCARCEL—knew where ARNOLD was, and the prisoner subsequently learned from the police that it was HELGUERO who had betrayed him.

     HELGUERO VALCARCEL and FERNANDEZ RIVAS, the prisoner was certain, earned further cash for telling the police all they knew; ARNOLD said it would not surprise him in the least if they had not also tapped the American and British Embassies for what they could get. He felt that the arrests of SCHNEEMANN, Karla BANDT and MEYWALD, as well as his own, could probably be laid at the door of the two informers.

      In jail, the night before the airlift of August 23, the prisoner learned through an indiscretion of the same FERNANDEZ RIVAS that he and several others were to leave for Germany the following morning. It was between one and two in the morning when RIVAS appeared in the cell block and gave out the news; the prisoners also noticed a few precautions, such as ringing down heavy shutters on their cells. Arnold had dined well that evening -inmates were allowed to send out for meals- and he still had a liter of wine and about a quarter-bottle of cognac. He also had a dozen Luminal sleeping tablets and one of the minute poison capsules of the type used by Himmler to kill himself: the latter he always carried on his person. ARNOLD thereupon settled down with the two bottles and began methodically to take the tablets, with a drink or two of wine and cognac between each one. He took the whole dozen before he lost consciousness.

       Next morning the prison guards found ARNOLD in a comatose condition, and began treating him. First they pomped out his stomach, then gave him cold baths, then many injections -his arm was sore for days. He recalled practically nothing of all this- when he came to he was in Germany. His poison capsule, which he had not taken, had disappeared along with his fountain pen, money and other effects. ARNOLD believed that the reason the sleeping pills had not killed him was connected with the amount of liquor he drank at the same time.


ARNUS DE FERRER, Emile Gonzale. Nazi agent and smuggler connected with LOTTIER , SCHIFFMANN and MESSEL (see their files) in L’Inter-Commercial Francais. From OSS / CIA records declassified under Nazi War Crimes Disclosure Act:

Report made at BC/12 Station

Date 19.8.1946

Made by DC/12

Source BC/326

      «Several days ago the Alto Estado Mayor in Barcelona received secret telegraphic instructions from the central office in Madrid to observe the activities of one ARNUS DE FERRER, who is now in Sitges and who is known to be in contact with many foreigners, one of whom is reported to be the «chief of the intelligence service of a foreign power». The A.E.M. in Madrid instructed that attempt to made to identify the persons with whom ARNUS DE FERRER had any contact (…).

      Subject is said to be well supplied with money and is living on a grand scale. One of his friends is the nephew of the ex-Vichy Ambassador to Spain, M. PIETRI. (…)

      The only foreign intelligence officer known to us to reside in Sitges is my opposite number, who spends every weekend there. He is being advised of this report»

ARP, Heinz Christian / Enrique. Dr. German agent classified C. In List of obnoxious Germans proposed for repatriation from Spain. Address: Rodriguez Arias 32, Apartado 200, Bilbao. Agent for Kali-Chemie, A.G., Berlin and for a Dutch firm, Beckacite Nij. N.V.

      From OSS Secret Intelligence Special Funds Record 2801-2850: Representative. Now at Balmes 396, 2o, Barcelona. Born Kiel on 28 April 1905. Passport No. 6/37 issued Bilbao on 24.7.37. Member DAF.

ARRANCUDIAGA, Rafael. From Oss records, Washington Office, Special Funds Division Finance, Intelligence: Documents 3401-3450: Naviera Bachi. Listed under the name of Hijos de Astigarraga at Bertendona 4-1, Bilbao. On April 20, 1945, it was reported that Rafael ARRANCUDIAGA negotiated the purchase of this firm from Hijos de Astigarraga on behalf of German interests and while he may ostensibly appear as the owner of this firm it is, in fact, German property. Most of the vessels of this firm are still in operation.

ASCHMEIER, Wilhelm. In 1945 he posed as German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

ASSELMANN KRANEFELD, Ernesto / Ernst. Address: Muntaner 261. Barcelona. Born June 11, 1879 at Unna i.w. Chief of Personnel at Unicolor. Member of NSDAP.

      «Virtually no assets which should go to the reparations pool have been taken over by the Allies. A number of obvious German concerns such as banks, news agencies and shipping companies have been taken over from the Germans by Spanish government controllers. But the Germans continue in charge and the Allies have no real say. Even in these businesses it is clear that real German assets have been salted away elsewhere. German technicians and business experts were sent to Spain to become naturalized citizens and a great many married into the Spanish aristocracy and commercial elite. German businesses were turned into Spanish concerns with Spanish directors while the German brains occupied apparently minor —but in reality all-powerful— positions.

      «The board of directors of Unicolor, which is the Spanish branch of the I. G. Farben trust, is typical. Unicolor is now a Spanish firm which according to Spanish law cannot he touched by the Allies, yet the board includes Ernst ASSELMAN, Ernst von STEINDORF, Dr. STEINHAEUSER, Erich OCHS, Alfonso Ma GALLARDO, Walter FISCHBACH, Juan SANTIAGOSA, Ernst. FISCHER, Erich FISCHEr,Gustav ZABEL, Josef MAYER-SPIESA, Jose Ma PLANELLA, Salvador MAYOLES, Juan S. PITTIEr, Felix KOTEGEN, Tomas CASANOVAS and Juan LLORENS. The president is a Spaniard, and so is the vice president. But the brains behind the organization occupies a minor secretarial position. He is Herr Ferdinand BIRK-CRECCLIUS.» (The case for the recognition of the Spanish Republic. Memorandum Submitted to The president of the United States. February 26, 1946, p.11)

      Obituary in La Vanguardia (August 31, 1947) stated he died August 10, 1947.

ATALAYA, Augusto. From OSS records, Washington Office, Special Funds Division Finance, Intelligence: Documents 3501-3529, dated 14 January, 1946: The Spaniard, Augusto ATALAYA, Inspector General of the Falange at Tetuan, returned to his post late in November from a trip to Madrid. He is said to have brought back with him a few counterfeit Hundred Dollar bills and he told one of our contacts that he could get more of them if he were assured of a market in Morocco. He said that he paid Pts. 18 for them, but another source states that he only paid Pts.14.»

AUBERGER, Max. In 1945 he posed as a German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

AUERBACH RUZSLI / AUERBACH RUPLI , Georg Rene, alias Rene RUPLI . DOB. Staverin (?),2 May 1900. Arrested April 4, 1946. Repatriated on SS Haighland Monarch 7 March, 1946. B-485 on Agents’ List and III priority List. Internee No. 609533 in No 6 CIC Neuengamme. In hospital and not interrogated until 29 May 1946. Relible source reports that both Rene Rupli and wife Sussane were German agents working under Gustav LENZ.

      Report on interrogation by OMGUS, Finance Division on May 29, 1946:

      «The subject explained that his real name is AUERBACH, that he used the name RUPLI on his emigration from Germany. He gave a verbal account of his trip from Hamburg to Spain,. which account was about in line with the story AUERBACH had previously given the American Embassy in Madrid. He disclaimed any but unpleasant contacts with the Gestapo. AUERBACH said that he is Jewish and that ha was fleeing to Spain on this last trip from Germany, having acquired a false passport. At Stuttgart his passport was picked up by the Gestapo and another false one was issued, also in the name of RUPLI, but listing his nationality as Swiss. This trip took place in May of 1941. AUERBACH said that he had returned to Germany once since leaving, taking a short trip of five or six days in 1942 or 1943. AUERBACH appeared to be very unstable and frequently talked incoherently. The interrogators are of the opinion that the subject is a narcotics addict.

     Representing himself as a theatrical producer director – an «impresserio»- AUERBACH insisted that a tremendous amount of German external assets exist in Spain in the form of proceeds from the entertainment field.

      It was stated by the subject that there has existed in Spain an institution or association known as Stagma, the full styling of which is Spanische Authoren Gesellschaft, or Sociedad de Autores Españoles. AUERBACH said that ha does not know either the exact name of this association or the addrees but insisted that it is a well known organization. He claimed that the vice-president of the organization is one Jose Juan CADENAS. The offices of the association were said to be in the same building as those of the Spanische Iberia Versicherungs Gesellschaft America del Sur. The Stagma was also said to have approximately 300 employees.

     AUERBACH claimed that several millions of Pesetas are owed Germany by Stagma for rights to the produotlon of theatricals, publishing and production rights of music and scripts. The daily proceeds were estimated to have been about Pesetas 3.500 over the last two years, of which more than ten percent were to have gone into German hands. He explained that during the war these funds were not transmitted to Germany but were accumulated for eventual payment which was never made.

      Concerning his Abwehr activities and association with one LENZ, German agent in Spain, AUERBACH emphatically denied both. He added that he knew a Herr HALM and Herr von ROHESCHEID (misspelled for ROHRSCHEID) who had Abwehr connections. They approached him with a request to take a package to Africa; he refused, and had no further dealings with them.

      Information from the Embassy in Madrid has linked AUERBACH with one MOHR, a known German agent. The subject explained this as follows: An actress named Strandzinger was an acquaintance of AUERBACH and the mistress of MOHR. She prevailed upon the subject to meet MOHR. The latter spoke of investing in an AUERBACH production, but was actually penniless. AUERBACH claimed to have paid a hotel bill for and to have loaned money to MOHR before he discovered the false pretences.

      In respect of an acquaintanceship with Emil LANG, the subject said it was only slight. LANG was represented as a wealthy German who possessed an illegal Swiss passport. AUERBACH believed that LANG owned a wholesale furs establishment at Avenida General Francisco Franco 104, Madrid.

      AUERBACH admitted organizing the Viennese Revue which was financed by KAPPS and JOHANN, but denied any Abwehr activity in this connection. KAPPS and JOHANN were thought to have interests in a gas company in Madrid. A lawyer, DOVAL by name, with an office in the Banco Viscaja (misspelled for Vizcaya), does business for and protects KAPPS. The latter is a German who came to Spain in 1942 or 1943.


AUERBACH RUZSLI / AUERBACH RUPLI, Susanne. Repatriated on SS Highland Monarch 7 March, 1946. German agent working for LENZ. Wife of Georg Rene AUERBACH. DOB. Dusseldorf, 25 August, 1912.

AUGUSTIN, (fnu). From Hans SOMMER’s CI interrogation: Milice member Spanish Intelligence agent. Born 1901. 1.66m height, oval face, prominent cheekbones, dark brown hair, blue eyes. Went to Germany in August 1944. Flew to Spain in June 1945. Arrested and interned at Camp Miranda, Spain, until January 1946. Went to Madrid and joined Spanish Intelligence Service.

AUGUSTIN, Alfons. In 1945 he posed as a German customs official refugee in Spain (OSS records).

AUMOND (fnu). From Hans SOMMER’s CI interrogation: Milice member Spanish Intelligence agent. Born 1914. 1.86m height, slender, dark brown curly hair, oval face. Tradesman. Worked on the Westwall. Enlisted in the French SS and fought on the Russian front as U/Stuf. Captured by the British. Went to Madrid and joined the Spanish Intelligence Service. Wife living in Tours, France.

AUMONT, Peter Karl Marie. Listed as repatriated from Bilbao August 21, 1946 to Bremerhaven on SS Marine Marlin. Previously in Miranda concentration camp. DOB. Northon, 24 September, 1912. May be the same AUMOND (fnu) named by Hans SOMMER

AZERROD, Jacques / Jacob. Brother and partner of Moises AZERROD.

AZERROD / AZERRAD, Moises. From Roberts Commission, Geographical Card File on Possible Art-Looting Subjects › Africa:

      «AZERROD, Moise and brother. Tangier, Morocco The AZERROD brothers are reported to be selling looted silver and jewelry brought to Tangier in small vessels registered at Vigo, Spain, Subject is in charge of supplying provisions to these ships. Part of a silver service was sold to Ernst OESCH of Tangier (proclaimed list) through Hans HUBER for 0.

      Most of solid plate, a jewel case, and a mantelpiece set smuggled to Tetuan. AZERRODs prefer items that can be melted down, avoiding trace. Exact origin unknown. Silver sold in Tangier looted by Nazis from ancient southern French chateaux.

      Subject and his brother, Jacques, have bought motor launch from HUBER (see HUBERT, Hans) for 7,500 Pesetas which they intended to use for fishing and for contraband. Also acquired from Renschausen & Co. through HUBER a safe, some furniture, films and a heap of objects of German origin. See source for details on above mentioned deals.

      Roberts Commission – Protection of Historical Monuments … Subject File › Spain: Safehaven Report dated 1 March, 1945:

      «According to an OSS report of February 2, 1945, classified G 2, old silver which was looted- from southern Franch chateaux during the Nazi occupation, was brought to Tangier in small vessels registered at Vigo, Spain, and is being sold in Tangier and Spanish Morooco by AZERROD brothers.

      Among the items brought to Tangier for sale were an ordinary silver service and some solid silver plates from which the initials and e emble markings had been removed. In addition, it appears that a lewel case and a mantelpiece have been smuggled into this area and are now in Tetuan. It is stated that a part of the ordinary silver service sold for 14,000 Spanish Pese-tas (approximately 0) to Ernst OESCH of Tangier (P.L.) through Hans HUBERT.

     The AZERROD brothers are searching primarily for items that may be changed or melted down without leaving any trace. It has been impossible to ascertain the exact origin of this silver. Although it cannot be confirmed, the brothers AZERROD especially Moise, who takes charge of supplying the ships with provisions, have received different objects by the same route. HUBERT has intervened in all this traffic.»

AZNAR. Spanish agent for Abwehr. (General Records Pertaining to External Assets Investigations, compiled 1948 – 1950, documenting the period 1939 – 1950. Series: Repatriates : Spain – General (June 1946- September 1947) )

      From OSS record, dated 5 June 1946: «Subject: Continued collaboration of Barcelona Police (…) , who in the past collaborated with AB-Landers in this city, are now assisting them in avoiding Allied control:»Police inspector in charge of the Brigada de Extranjeros. This individual is responsible for the apprehension of AB-Landers who are to be repatriated to Germany.»

Autor: Eliah Meyer

Para leer y descargar completo  desde  «THE FACTUAL LIST OF NAZIS PROTECTED BY SPAIN».pdf

Idioma: inglés; 559 páginas. Con licencia creative commons, permiso de copia y reprodución libres, siempre y cuando se transmita en las mismas condiciones.

Foto de portada: Hans Thomsen, jefe del Partido Nazi en España,  custodiado por mandos de la Falange.

Publicado por Gatopardo el 11/04/2014 06:32. Archivado en